146

THRACE AND ASIA MINOR.

It will be noticed that the text of the inscription
given above differs in several small points from the
readings of Curtius, Jerusalem, and Dittenberger.
The inscription is nearly complete, exceptions being
the top r.-hand corner and one or two letters at
the beginnings and ends of lines. The letters are
shallow, but carefully engraved.
The following are the most noteworthy points of
orthography (cf. Curtius, op. cit., p. 121).
Irregular use of iota subscr., e. g. θράικην (1. 13),
Θρακών (I. 17), χαλ/cffco-ίδίωι (1. 44), προνοηθήτωι
&c. (11. 104-6).
Irregular use of aspiration, μηθέν (1. 52), καθ' Ιδίαν
('■ 58)·
Various inconsistencies of spelling noticed by
Curtius, e. g. γζίνεσθαι (1. 15), γινομένους (1. 88).
Errors. 1. 9. άΐμνη\τον (almost certainly not άΐμνη-
[ajror) for αείμνηστον. 1. 44. νομειτεύεσθαι for νομιστεύ-
εσθαι (but see Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr., loc. cit.,
p. 540, n. 22, and below, n. on 1. 44). 1. 64. λεεγομενηι
for δέ έχομένηΐ. 1. 102. γΐνόμενον(ον).
In 11. 15 and 51 are two instances of irregular
augment, παρείστατο and παρείσχηται. Jerusalem, loc.
cit., p. 6, gives instances of this form occurring in
C. I. G. ii. 3568f. add. (1. 42) and C. I. G.i\. 2271 (1. 7).
The inscription records an honorary decree of the
Council and People of Sestos in favour of Menas son
of Menes for his services as ambassador, priest, and
gymnasiarch. His liberality in all these capacities
is specially commended.
1. 1. Dittenberger is certainly right in reading
[Επί ί]€[ρ€]ω£ Γλαυκίου [το]ΰ Κιλλαίου as against the
[Επί ί]ςρ€]ωΓ Γλαυκίου [κα]ί Κιλλαίου read by Curtius.
' Υπ[ερβερεταίου. The last month of the Mace-
donian year.
1. 5 f. ‘Nor recking of the loss of private possessions
which falls to the lot of those acting as ambassadors
in the public service.’
1. 9 f. άίμνητον. This peculiar form seems due to
an error on the part of the stone-cutter. There is
no room for Σ before Ton either at the beginning of
the 10th or end of the 9th line.
1. 10. τούς βασιλείς. These (as Curtius has shown)
can hardly be other than the kings of Pergamum,
probably Attalus II and Attains III. Before τούς
βασιλείς, έπιτε[λέσας πρός] has been intentionally
erased.
1. 12 f. Straton was no doubt general of the Per-
gamene kings in the Chersonese. See No. 1001,
a dedication by soldiers who had crossed from
Nakoleia €ΐς τούς κατά Χερρόνησον καί Θράικην τόπους
‘in the 15th year’ (of Attalus II ?). It was in
the reign of Attalus II (159-138 b. c.) that the
Chersonese was harassed by the attacks of the
Thracians under Diegylis (Appian, Mithr. 6).
1. 14. The traces on the stone make the reading
ίυ)ποδογΎ]ς certain.
1. 16. των βασιλέων εις θεούς μεταστάντων. This can
only mean that the Attalids had died out and received
divine honours. The time is therefore subsequent
to the death of Attalus III (133 b. c.), when he
bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans. This
event was followed by the rising of the pretender

Aristonikos, an event alluded to in 11. 16 ff. της πόλεω[ς
ε]ν έπικινδύνωι καιρωι γενομένης-των άλλων των εκ της
αιφνίδιου περιστάσεως έπιστάντων χαλεπών.
1. 2 1. τούς στρατηγούς τούς άποστελλο μένους ύπο
'Ρωμαίων είς την ’Ασίαν. These were commanding
between 132 and 129 b. c. during the rising of Aristo-
nikos. The successive Roman generals were
L. Licinius Crassus Mucianus, M. Perpenna, and
M’. Aquilius. The ambassadors are probably the
five mentioned by Strabo (xiv, p. 646) as having
been sent to Asia before the war.
1. 23. κακοπαθίας. Jerusalem, by a comparison of
the usage of Polybius, shows that the meaning of
this word is probably ‘ endurance ’, ‘ perseverance
The meaning of the sentence will thus be ‘ arranged
everything, thanks to the patient efforts of the
ambassadors’.
1. 26 f. ίερεύς ’Αττάλου. Menas may have been
priest of either Attalus II or Attalus III. Instances
of the deification of the Attalids are given by
Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr. i, p. 539, n. 14, and by
Jerusalem, loc. cit.. p. 12. No mention of a priest
of Attalus seems to have been found among the
inscriptions from Pergamum.
1. 30 f. γυμνασίαρχος. This inscription throws im-
portant light upon the functions of a gymnasiarch in
a Greek city towards the close of the second century
b. c. We find that his duties consist largely in the
supervision of the behaviour of the ’έφηβοι and νέοι and
of the condition of the gymnasium. He institutes
contests for them in running, javelin-throwing,
and archery. He supplies them with quantities
of oil (επαλείμματα') for their anointing. Mention is
made of an έφήβαρχος, who was evidently an official
subordinate to the gymnasiarch. Menas held the
office of gymnasiarch a second time, when he seized
the opportunity of making a series of public bene-
factions. At the contests instituted by him he gives
prizes in the form of decorated arms in cases. See
G. Glotz, art. Gymnasiarchia, in Daremberg et Saglio,
Oehler, art. Γυμνασίαρχος in Pauly-Wissowa, and cf.
throughout Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr. ii, No. 764
(honours to a Pergamene gymnasiarch).
1. 33. The letters ToNTE have been engraved over
an erasure. The reading is certain. Though
faint, φ can distinctly be seen upon the stone. Curtius
suggested ' Ερ[μαθήν]ης, which is much too long for
the space available. The meaning evidently is that
Menas built a washing basin and a chamber adjoining
for the use of the athletes.
1. 44. Dittenberger, op. cit., p. 540, n. 22, cites
several passages from papyri to show that the
spelling νομειτεύεσθαι is not due to an error. The
papyri have the spelling νομιτεύεσθαι. This form of
spelling is no doubt due to peculiar pronunciation
prevailing in certain districts. Herwerden, Lex.
Supply, s. v. νομειτεύεσθαι notes that the papyri in
which the spelling νομιτεύεσθαι or νομειτεύεσθαι occurs
are of the Byzantine period. There is, however,
an instance in an inscription from Western Cilicia
‘hardly earlier than 100 a. d.’, published in Journ.
Hell. Stud, xii (1891), p. 232, No. 12 (page wrongly
given as 323 by Dittenberger): μετρεΐν δέ μέτροις οΐς
η πόλις νομιτεύετε.