DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.34827#0413
1842-59.
397
Many of these letters treat of details which no longer have an
interest, and I have selected those only which discuss matters
of permanent importance.
'Hookwood, January 3, 1854.
' My dear Colebrooke,—Along with this letter, or soon after,
you will receive the " Insurrection in China," which I am
ashamed of having kept so long. It is very interesting, as
showing the character of the insurrection and the views of its
leader. The hatred of the Tartar Government seems to have
been far more general than could have been supposed. The
misfortunes it experienced in its war with us increased its ex-
actions at the same time that it disclosed its weakness, and
resistance was sure to have arisen even if there had been no
concert among the malcontents. What was wanting was a man
of energy, who could devise a scheme by which the general
excitement might be turned into one channel, and brought
under the influence of a single will. The philosophy of Con-
fucius seems to afford the only moral principle that had any
hold on the minds of the people, but it could not supply
enthusiasm and impulse for want of a religious sanction. To
remedy this the leader (or leaders) engrafted on it a faith
which was already making progress, and which, besides its
intrinsic merit, was in harmony with the moral doctrines of
Confucius, and well suited to the moderate and pacific cha-
racter of the Chinese. It was a bold stroke to assume the
direction of the power thus formed in the character of a divinity
rather than an apostle, but we must suppose that the projector
knew best what would suit his countrymen; indeed, the whole
merit of the plan depends on the degree to which it is adapted
to the state of popular opinion, and, in this instance at least,
success or failure will be the real test of the genius of its con-
triver. The whole affair suggests some serious thoughts about
India. It shows how the most systematic endeavour to amal-
gamate two races has failed after a trial of near two centuries,
how little internal tranquillity and material prosperity have
sufficed to reconcile the conquered nation to its foreign rulers,
and how little reliance can be placed on apparent attachment
397
Many of these letters treat of details which no longer have an
interest, and I have selected those only which discuss matters
of permanent importance.
'Hookwood, January 3, 1854.
' My dear Colebrooke,—Along with this letter, or soon after,
you will receive the " Insurrection in China," which I am
ashamed of having kept so long. It is very interesting, as
showing the character of the insurrection and the views of its
leader. The hatred of the Tartar Government seems to have
been far more general than could have been supposed. The
misfortunes it experienced in its war with us increased its ex-
actions at the same time that it disclosed its weakness, and
resistance was sure to have arisen even if there had been no
concert among the malcontents. What was wanting was a man
of energy, who could devise a scheme by which the general
excitement might be turned into one channel, and brought
under the influence of a single will. The philosophy of Con-
fucius seems to afford the only moral principle that had any
hold on the minds of the people, but it could not supply
enthusiasm and impulse for want of a religious sanction. To
remedy this the leader (or leaders) engrafted on it a faith
which was already making progress, and which, besides its
intrinsic merit, was in harmony with the moral doctrines of
Confucius, and well suited to the moderate and pacific cha-
racter of the Chinese. It was a bold stroke to assume the
direction of the power thus formed in the character of a divinity
rather than an apostle, but we must suppose that the projector
knew best what would suit his countrymen; indeed, the whole
merit of the plan depends on the degree to which it is adapted
to the state of popular opinion, and, in this instance at least,
success or failure will be the real test of the genius of its con-
triver. The whole affair suggests some serious thoughts about
India. It shows how the most systematic endeavour to amal-
gamate two races has failed after a trial of near two centuries,
how little internal tranquillity and material prosperity have
sufficed to reconcile the conquered nation to its foreign rulers,
and how little reliance can be placed on apparent attachment