DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.14699#0110
io68
Addenda
more wisely postulates a native origin for the custom. And R. D. Barnett in Folk-Lore
1929 xl. 393 f. does good service by collecting allusions to it and by noting that a last
trace of it is 'the running of the deer' in the carol The Holly and the Ivy. A. Nicoll
Masks Mimes and Miracles London 1931 p. 165 fig. 115 shows a performance of such
masked dancers (stag, hare, fox, old woman, etc.) from a fourteenth-century miniature in
the Bodleian MS. 264 of Li Romans d'Alixandre.
J. G. McKay ' The Deer-Cult and the Deer-Goddess Cult of the Ancient Caledonians'
in Folk-Lore 1932 xliii. 144—174 breaks fresh ground and raises a whole crop of
important contentions (succinctly stated on pp. 167 —169).
My own interpretation of the ' island stones' as representing masked dancers (Journ.
Bell. Stud. 1894 xiv. 133 ff. 'The Cult of the Stag') v/as accepted by Sir W. Ridgeway
The Early Age of Greece Cambridge 1931 ii. 484—487 and has of late been vigorously
defended by E. Herkenrath 'Mykenische Kultszenen. ii. Masken' in the Am. Journ.
Arch. 1937 xli. 420—422. J. L. Myres The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Handbook of
the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus New York 1914 p. 150 f. publishes two
statuettes of votaries in Assyrian style, to be dated c. 700—650 B.C.: no. 1029 wears a
bull's head as a mask ; no. 1030 wears a stag's head, which he is on the point of removing.
Cp. Mendel Cat. Sculpt. Constantinople ii. 487 f. no. 688 a limestone slab with the
barbaric relief of a [Kvvo]Ketpa\os or [XvKojK^tpaXos on one side, that of a bear-headed man
on the other.
i. 68 n. 1. The Hesychasts of Mt Athos in the fourteenth century held that divine
light shone about the summit of Mt Tabor (S. V. Troitsky in J. Hastings Encyclopedia
of Religion and Ethics Edinburgh 1913 vi. 427b).
i. 70. C. T. Seltman Greek Coins London 1933 p. 165 pi. 35, 8 shows that Chari-
and Olym- must be the names of magistrates, not engravers.
i. 70 ff. On the human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios see now F. Schwenn Die Menschenopfer
bei den Griechen und RSniern Giessen 1915 pp. 20—25 ('Der "Wolfsgott" hatte anfangs
mit dem hellenischen Zeus nichts zu tun; spater erst wurde Lykaios ein Beiname des
Zeus; es war der—allerdings wohl noch spatere—Ausdruck dieser Vermischung, wenn
der "wolfische Zeus" das Symbol des Adlers mit ubernahm. Der Priester, der sich im
Kindesopfer mit dem Gott selbst vereinigt hatte, war selbst wie der Gott ein " Wolf" '),
O. Kern Die Religion der Griechen Berlin 1926 i. 15, 187 (follows Schwenn), Lily
Weiser-Aall in the Archivf. Rel. 1933 xxx. 224 (' Lykaios bedeutet: der Wolfische; die
Ahnlichkeit mit der Erzahlung der Volsungasaga [Kap. 8] fallt auf').
i. 81 n. o. Add J. A. MacCulloch ' Lycanthropy' in J. Hastings Encyclopedia of
Religion and Ethics Edinburgh 1915 viii. 206"—220", M. Schuster 'Der Werwolf und
die Hexen. Zwei Schauermarchen bei Petronius' [Petron. sat. 61. 5—62. 14 and 63. 1—
64. 1] in Wiener Studien 1930 xlviii. 149—178, W. Kroll ' Etwas vom Werwolf ii.
1937 lv. 168—172.
i. 87 n. 6. The origin of the sceptre is discussed by C. F. Hermann Disputatio de
sceptri regii antiquitate et origine Gottingae 1851 pp. 1—17, and more recently by A. Hug
in Pauly—Wissowa Real-Enc. ii A. 368 ff., C. Borchling in F. Saxl Vortriige der
Bibliothek Warburg: Vortrdge 1023—1924 Leipzig—Berlin 1926 p. 235 ff., F. J. M. de
Waele The Magic Staff or Rod in Graeco-Italian Antiquity The Hague 1927 p. 117 ff.
i. 100. Olympos, a pre-Greek word for 'mountain' (C. Theander in Eranos 1915 xv.
127—136, M. P. Nilsson Homer and Mycenae London 1933 p. 269). R. J. H. Jenkins
in a valuable, but unpublished, dissertation on The Religions and Cults of Olympia during
the Bronze Age Cambridge 1932 p. 71 n. 4 (MS.) conjectures that "0\vfnros was 'the
Early Anatolian for " Mountain," ' and that at Olympia it was Early Helladic or Early
Macedonian (two branches, south and north, of the same race).
i. 102 n. 4. D. M. Robinson in Transactions and Proceedings of the American
Philological Association 1934 lxv. 103 ff. publishes an inscription, of 356 B.C., recording
a treaty between Philip of Makedonia and the Chalcidians. This was to be set up by
Philip (line 9) [f\v Aioi es [t6] iepbv rod Aids t[o0] '0\v/iirlov, k.t.\. Id. ib. p. 117 n. 26
speaks of the excavations at Dion.
i. 102 n. 5. Mt Carmel affords a good parallel to Mt Argaios (Tac. hist. 2. 78 est
Iudaeam inter Syriamque Carmelus : ita vocant montem deumque. nec simulacrum deo
aut templum—sic tradidere maiores—: ara tantum et reverentia). In Mexico and Peru
the most prominent peaks were likewise objects of direct worship (E. J. Payne History of
the New World called America Oxford 1892 i. 404).
i. 107. Professor G. Murray kindly pointed out to me that Anaktotelistai should be
rendered ' initiators,' not ' initiates.' Cp. W. K. C. Guthrie Orpheus and Greek Religion
London 1935 p. 202 on the analogous Orpheotele'stai.
Addenda
more wisely postulates a native origin for the custom. And R. D. Barnett in Folk-Lore
1929 xl. 393 f. does good service by collecting allusions to it and by noting that a last
trace of it is 'the running of the deer' in the carol The Holly and the Ivy. A. Nicoll
Masks Mimes and Miracles London 1931 p. 165 fig. 115 shows a performance of such
masked dancers (stag, hare, fox, old woman, etc.) from a fourteenth-century miniature in
the Bodleian MS. 264 of Li Romans d'Alixandre.
J. G. McKay ' The Deer-Cult and the Deer-Goddess Cult of the Ancient Caledonians'
in Folk-Lore 1932 xliii. 144—174 breaks fresh ground and raises a whole crop of
important contentions (succinctly stated on pp. 167 —169).
My own interpretation of the ' island stones' as representing masked dancers (Journ.
Bell. Stud. 1894 xiv. 133 ff. 'The Cult of the Stag') v/as accepted by Sir W. Ridgeway
The Early Age of Greece Cambridge 1931 ii. 484—487 and has of late been vigorously
defended by E. Herkenrath 'Mykenische Kultszenen. ii. Masken' in the Am. Journ.
Arch. 1937 xli. 420—422. J. L. Myres The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Handbook of
the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus New York 1914 p. 150 f. publishes two
statuettes of votaries in Assyrian style, to be dated c. 700—650 B.C.: no. 1029 wears a
bull's head as a mask ; no. 1030 wears a stag's head, which he is on the point of removing.
Cp. Mendel Cat. Sculpt. Constantinople ii. 487 f. no. 688 a limestone slab with the
barbaric relief of a [Kvvo]Ketpa\os or [XvKojK^tpaXos on one side, that of a bear-headed man
on the other.
i. 68 n. 1. The Hesychasts of Mt Athos in the fourteenth century held that divine
light shone about the summit of Mt Tabor (S. V. Troitsky in J. Hastings Encyclopedia
of Religion and Ethics Edinburgh 1913 vi. 427b).
i. 70. C. T. Seltman Greek Coins London 1933 p. 165 pi. 35, 8 shows that Chari-
and Olym- must be the names of magistrates, not engravers.
i. 70 ff. On the human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios see now F. Schwenn Die Menschenopfer
bei den Griechen und RSniern Giessen 1915 pp. 20—25 ('Der "Wolfsgott" hatte anfangs
mit dem hellenischen Zeus nichts zu tun; spater erst wurde Lykaios ein Beiname des
Zeus; es war der—allerdings wohl noch spatere—Ausdruck dieser Vermischung, wenn
der "wolfische Zeus" das Symbol des Adlers mit ubernahm. Der Priester, der sich im
Kindesopfer mit dem Gott selbst vereinigt hatte, war selbst wie der Gott ein " Wolf" '),
O. Kern Die Religion der Griechen Berlin 1926 i. 15, 187 (follows Schwenn), Lily
Weiser-Aall in the Archivf. Rel. 1933 xxx. 224 (' Lykaios bedeutet: der Wolfische; die
Ahnlichkeit mit der Erzahlung der Volsungasaga [Kap. 8] fallt auf').
i. 81 n. o. Add J. A. MacCulloch ' Lycanthropy' in J. Hastings Encyclopedia of
Religion and Ethics Edinburgh 1915 viii. 206"—220", M. Schuster 'Der Werwolf und
die Hexen. Zwei Schauermarchen bei Petronius' [Petron. sat. 61. 5—62. 14 and 63. 1—
64. 1] in Wiener Studien 1930 xlviii. 149—178, W. Kroll ' Etwas vom Werwolf ii.
1937 lv. 168—172.
i. 87 n. 6. The origin of the sceptre is discussed by C. F. Hermann Disputatio de
sceptri regii antiquitate et origine Gottingae 1851 pp. 1—17, and more recently by A. Hug
in Pauly—Wissowa Real-Enc. ii A. 368 ff., C. Borchling in F. Saxl Vortriige der
Bibliothek Warburg: Vortrdge 1023—1924 Leipzig—Berlin 1926 p. 235 ff., F. J. M. de
Waele The Magic Staff or Rod in Graeco-Italian Antiquity The Hague 1927 p. 117 ff.
i. 100. Olympos, a pre-Greek word for 'mountain' (C. Theander in Eranos 1915 xv.
127—136, M. P. Nilsson Homer and Mycenae London 1933 p. 269). R. J. H. Jenkins
in a valuable, but unpublished, dissertation on The Religions and Cults of Olympia during
the Bronze Age Cambridge 1932 p. 71 n. 4 (MS.) conjectures that "0\vfnros was 'the
Early Anatolian for " Mountain," ' and that at Olympia it was Early Helladic or Early
Macedonian (two branches, south and north, of the same race).
i. 102 n. 4. D. M. Robinson in Transactions and Proceedings of the American
Philological Association 1934 lxv. 103 ff. publishes an inscription, of 356 B.C., recording
a treaty between Philip of Makedonia and the Chalcidians. This was to be set up by
Philip (line 9) [f\v Aioi es [t6] iepbv rod Aids t[o0] '0\v/iirlov, k.t.\. Id. ib. p. 117 n. 26
speaks of the excavations at Dion.
i. 102 n. 5. Mt Carmel affords a good parallel to Mt Argaios (Tac. hist. 2. 78 est
Iudaeam inter Syriamque Carmelus : ita vocant montem deumque. nec simulacrum deo
aut templum—sic tradidere maiores—: ara tantum et reverentia). In Mexico and Peru
the most prominent peaks were likewise objects of direct worship (E. J. Payne History of
the New World called America Oxford 1892 i. 404).
i. 107. Professor G. Murray kindly pointed out to me that Anaktotelistai should be
rendered ' initiators,' not ' initiates.' Cp. W. K. C. Guthrie Orpheus and Greek Religion
London 1935 p. 202 on the analogous Orpheotele'stai.