DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.68024#0293
285
6. Since, therefore, the question at issue is in fact whether the policy pursued by Govern-
ment with regard to Muhammadan education is not wholly wrong, at least in the present rapidly
changing circumstances of that community, and as a guide to the future, I am of opinion
that the course suggested in the second clause of the 24th paragraph of the memorial is the
right one to follow. As it appears to me, it is only by the appointment of a Committee of
Inquiry that the views and wishes of the Muhammadan community can be fully known. It is
of course understood—and it is this consideration which introduces the chief elements of
difficulty—that the question is not merely what the general body of the community wish for in
matters of education, but what they ought to wish for, sua si bona norint, and what the Govern-
ment, having regard to their best and most permanent interests, ought to do for them. The
request made in the 23rd paragraph, that special educational facilities should be afforded to
Muhammadans, would naturally come under the consideration of such a Committee, as also
would the suggestion made in the last clause of the 24th paragraph, with regard to the fuller
utilization of the Mohsin and other Muhammadan endowments. As to the first point, I would
invite attention to the following remarks made by the Hon’ble Syed Ahmed, in his evidence
before the Education Commission :—
“The system of education established by Government is equally open to all sections of the population ; and
Government cannot, and should not, show any partiality for a particular class or section. The failure of the
Muhammadans to derive an adequate share of benefit from it is their own fault. They should now abide by the
consequences of that failure, and must thank themselves for their backwardness in the race of progress. In con-
sideration, however, of the exceptionally unfortunate condition of the Muhammadans, and of their deplorable
ignorance and poverty, Government would only be according an indulgence to them if it should be pleased to
consider the subject of Muhammadan education as a special case.”
And in regard to the second point—the fuller utilization of the endowments,—I may
observe that the accumulations of the Mohsin Fund, which the memorial describes as “ vast/'’
are stated in your letter No. 134, dated 25th February 1882, to amount to no more than
R42,4s7, of which it was proposed to invest R40,000 for the benefit of the Fund.
7. A separate letter on the subject of the disposal of the yearly surplus of the Mohsin
Fund, as called for in your No. 134 above quoted, will shortly be submitted.
From the Officiating Secretary to Government, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, to the Secretary to the
Government of India, Home Department,—No. 1401, dated Camp Lucknow, the 16th April 1883.
I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 4—183, dated 8th March 1882,
forwarding a memorial from the National Muhammadan Association at Calcutta, and calling
for a report on the allegations and prayers of the memorial, so far as these are applicable to the
position and claims of the Muhammadan community in the North-Western Provinces and
0Udl2. On receipt of your letter the Lieutenant-Governor and Chief Commissioner addressed
the Hio-h Court and all Heads of Departments and Commissioners of Divisions in these Provin-
ces in order that those officers who, from their personal knowledge and experience, are compe-
tent to give a reliable opinion might be consulted; and I am directed to submit a summary of
their reports, withffhe following remarks.
3 The memorial begins with some general allegations in regard to the circumstances,
historical and political, attendant upon the early period of the establishment of the British
Government of India, and to the effect upon Muhammadans of the changes that then super-
vened. The Lieutenant-Governor does not understand it to be the desire of the Government
of India that these allegations should be closely examined; and indeed it would be difficult for
a Local Government to criticise them properly, since the memorial does not always show
exactly to what provinces of India some of the allusions are meant to apply. Theie can,
however, be no doubt that throughout Upper India, so long as the chief ruling dynasties were
Muhammadan, the proportion of Muhammadans employed under these rulers was exceedingly
large. They almost monopolised all high and lucrative offices, and it is but natural that this
proportion should have since been diminished. But the chief source to which the memorial traces
the alleged impoverishment of the middle class Muhammadans under the British Government
is the introduction of vernacular dialects for official writings and business generally. And on
this point it is to be observed that, in these Provinces at any rate, no disadvantages to the
Muhammadans have flowed from that source; since the memorial itself admits the official
lano-uao-e of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh (Urdu) to be identical with the verna-
cular of the Muhammadans. .
4 The definite issues of fact suggested by the memorial are, chiefly, whether Muhamma-
dans receive their proportionate share of employment under the State; whether they are
6. Since, therefore, the question at issue is in fact whether the policy pursued by Govern-
ment with regard to Muhammadan education is not wholly wrong, at least in the present rapidly
changing circumstances of that community, and as a guide to the future, I am of opinion
that the course suggested in the second clause of the 24th paragraph of the memorial is the
right one to follow. As it appears to me, it is only by the appointment of a Committee of
Inquiry that the views and wishes of the Muhammadan community can be fully known. It is
of course understood—and it is this consideration which introduces the chief elements of
difficulty—that the question is not merely what the general body of the community wish for in
matters of education, but what they ought to wish for, sua si bona norint, and what the Govern-
ment, having regard to their best and most permanent interests, ought to do for them. The
request made in the 23rd paragraph, that special educational facilities should be afforded to
Muhammadans, would naturally come under the consideration of such a Committee, as also
would the suggestion made in the last clause of the 24th paragraph, with regard to the fuller
utilization of the Mohsin and other Muhammadan endowments. As to the first point, I would
invite attention to the following remarks made by the Hon’ble Syed Ahmed, in his evidence
before the Education Commission :—
“The system of education established by Government is equally open to all sections of the population ; and
Government cannot, and should not, show any partiality for a particular class or section. The failure of the
Muhammadans to derive an adequate share of benefit from it is their own fault. They should now abide by the
consequences of that failure, and must thank themselves for their backwardness in the race of progress. In con-
sideration, however, of the exceptionally unfortunate condition of the Muhammadans, and of their deplorable
ignorance and poverty, Government would only be according an indulgence to them if it should be pleased to
consider the subject of Muhammadan education as a special case.”
And in regard to the second point—the fuller utilization of the endowments,—I may
observe that the accumulations of the Mohsin Fund, which the memorial describes as “ vast/'’
are stated in your letter No. 134, dated 25th February 1882, to amount to no more than
R42,4s7, of which it was proposed to invest R40,000 for the benefit of the Fund.
7. A separate letter on the subject of the disposal of the yearly surplus of the Mohsin
Fund, as called for in your No. 134 above quoted, will shortly be submitted.
From the Officiating Secretary to Government, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, to the Secretary to the
Government of India, Home Department,—No. 1401, dated Camp Lucknow, the 16th April 1883.
I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No. 4—183, dated 8th March 1882,
forwarding a memorial from the National Muhammadan Association at Calcutta, and calling
for a report on the allegations and prayers of the memorial, so far as these are applicable to the
position and claims of the Muhammadan community in the North-Western Provinces and
0Udl2. On receipt of your letter the Lieutenant-Governor and Chief Commissioner addressed
the Hio-h Court and all Heads of Departments and Commissioners of Divisions in these Provin-
ces in order that those officers who, from their personal knowledge and experience, are compe-
tent to give a reliable opinion might be consulted; and I am directed to submit a summary of
their reports, withffhe following remarks.
3 The memorial begins with some general allegations in regard to the circumstances,
historical and political, attendant upon the early period of the establishment of the British
Government of India, and to the effect upon Muhammadans of the changes that then super-
vened. The Lieutenant-Governor does not understand it to be the desire of the Government
of India that these allegations should be closely examined; and indeed it would be difficult for
a Local Government to criticise them properly, since the memorial does not always show
exactly to what provinces of India some of the allusions are meant to apply. Theie can,
however, be no doubt that throughout Upper India, so long as the chief ruling dynasties were
Muhammadan, the proportion of Muhammadans employed under these rulers was exceedingly
large. They almost monopolised all high and lucrative offices, and it is but natural that this
proportion should have since been diminished. But the chief source to which the memorial traces
the alleged impoverishment of the middle class Muhammadans under the British Government
is the introduction of vernacular dialects for official writings and business generally. And on
this point it is to be observed that, in these Provinces at any rate, no disadvantages to the
Muhammadans have flowed from that source; since the memorial itself admits the official
lano-uao-e of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh (Urdu) to be identical with the verna-
cular of the Muhammadans. .
4 The definite issues of fact suggested by the memorial are, chiefly, whether Muhamma-
dans receive their proportionate share of employment under the State; whether they are