25
similarly Asiatic legend of a warrior attended by a lion had found its way to Etruria.
The only alternative that suggests itself is that the presence of the lion may have
been meant to show by a species of anticipation or prolepsis that the body of the
falling combatant was left to be devoured by wild beasts.
The explanation of the two winged figures at either end of the combat-scene
as the souls of the warriors is justified by those instances of psychostasia, in which,
as on an archaic vase in the Museum (B. 639), Hermes is seen weighing in a
balance the souls of Achilles and Memnon during their encounter. It may be assumed
that the soul of the wounded man is bounding off to Hades. The conception seems
to be purely Greek, or more particularly Ionian Greek.
In the banquet scene on the back of the sarcophagus there appear certain vases
on tall pedestals which correspond exactly in shape with a class of vases which
have been found of late years at Falerii and elsewhere. These may be regarded
as local Etruscan ware. It is noticeable also that one of the musicians carries a
lyre in his hand of absurdly diminutive proportions. The shape of the lyre is
correct, but its exceeding smallness implies that the artist was ignorant of the
proportions of this instrument in Greek art, as an Etruscan artist might perhaps
be excused for being, considering that the flutes vwere much more to his nature
and practice.
The inscription on the front of the sarcophagus reads :1
Mivelaves nas mevepetursikipa
Thaniavelaimahnaiunata.
The sarcophagus was acquired in 1873 from Alessandro Castellani, who in turn had
purchased it from Pietro Pennelli. It reached the Museum in the condition in which it
had been found at Caere (Cervetri)—that is to say, in a number of pieces, the fractured
edges showing the same hard incrustation which is still visible on many parts of the
surface. In ordinary circumstances it would be unnecessary even to mention, still less
to emphasize, this condition of the sarcophagus when it arrived here, since nothing
could be more satisfactory than the state of this terra-cotta.
It happened, however, that certain scholars took objection to the inscription on the
ground of its resemblance to an Etruscan inscription on a gold fibula in the Louvre,
and because of difficulties in explaining the structure of certain of the words. In a
matter still so obscure as the Etruscan language, it was to be expected that while the
most prominent of the then Etruscan scholars (Corssen) found no difficulty in the
inscription, others would take a different view. As scholars they were entitled to do
so, but when they proceeded to criticise the artistic features of the sarcophagus they
forgot the advice of Apelles to his critic.
The sarcophagus measures 5 ft. 8 in. in height, inclusive of group, and 4 ft. 5 in.
in length. It has been published by: Sir C. T. Newton, The Castellani Collection (1874),
pis. 18-20; Encyclopcedia Britannica, 9th ed., vol. 8, pi. 8; G. Dennis, Cities and
Cemeteries of Etruria, 2nd ed., I. p. 227 and p. 280.
1 See Deecke, Elruskische Forschungen, pt. 3, p. 257, where the literature of the subject is collected.
similarly Asiatic legend of a warrior attended by a lion had found its way to Etruria.
The only alternative that suggests itself is that the presence of the lion may have
been meant to show by a species of anticipation or prolepsis that the body of the
falling combatant was left to be devoured by wild beasts.
The explanation of the two winged figures at either end of the combat-scene
as the souls of the warriors is justified by those instances of psychostasia, in which,
as on an archaic vase in the Museum (B. 639), Hermes is seen weighing in a
balance the souls of Achilles and Memnon during their encounter. It may be assumed
that the soul of the wounded man is bounding off to Hades. The conception seems
to be purely Greek, or more particularly Ionian Greek.
In the banquet scene on the back of the sarcophagus there appear certain vases
on tall pedestals which correspond exactly in shape with a class of vases which
have been found of late years at Falerii and elsewhere. These may be regarded
as local Etruscan ware. It is noticeable also that one of the musicians carries a
lyre in his hand of absurdly diminutive proportions. The shape of the lyre is
correct, but its exceeding smallness implies that the artist was ignorant of the
proportions of this instrument in Greek art, as an Etruscan artist might perhaps
be excused for being, considering that the flutes vwere much more to his nature
and practice.
The inscription on the front of the sarcophagus reads :1
Mivelaves nas mevepetursikipa
Thaniavelaimahnaiunata.
The sarcophagus was acquired in 1873 from Alessandro Castellani, who in turn had
purchased it from Pietro Pennelli. It reached the Museum in the condition in which it
had been found at Caere (Cervetri)—that is to say, in a number of pieces, the fractured
edges showing the same hard incrustation which is still visible on many parts of the
surface. In ordinary circumstances it would be unnecessary even to mention, still less
to emphasize, this condition of the sarcophagus when it arrived here, since nothing
could be more satisfactory than the state of this terra-cotta.
It happened, however, that certain scholars took objection to the inscription on the
ground of its resemblance to an Etruscan inscription on a gold fibula in the Louvre,
and because of difficulties in explaining the structure of certain of the words. In a
matter still so obscure as the Etruscan language, it was to be expected that while the
most prominent of the then Etruscan scholars (Corssen) found no difficulty in the
inscription, others would take a different view. As scholars they were entitled to do
so, but when they proceeded to criticise the artistic features of the sarcophagus they
forgot the advice of Apelles to his critic.
The sarcophagus measures 5 ft. 8 in. in height, inclusive of group, and 4 ft. 5 in.
in length. It has been published by: Sir C. T. Newton, The Castellani Collection (1874),
pis. 18-20; Encyclopcedia Britannica, 9th ed., vol. 8, pi. 8; G. Dennis, Cities and
Cemeteries of Etruria, 2nd ed., I. p. 227 and p. 280.
1 See Deecke, Elruskische Forschungen, pt. 3, p. 257, where the literature of the subject is collected.