Contents
Introduction
20
/p/ and /b/, this distinction best conforms with the evidence that is presently available
…
into consideration would allow for p and b to be analysed as mere allophones of a single
…
it are simply wrong. For example, the statement that the Coptic successors of p and b
…
/b/, if instead the tonal system was analysed as allophonic.
Basic information about Egyptian
36
Coptic. Sahidic is encoded as S, Bohairic as B, certain subvarieties of Bohairic as B4, Bg
…
left: s Sahidic, b Bohairic, a Akhmimic,' Lycopolitan, f Fayyumic, m Mesokemic.
Consonants
79
<b>
…
least for <b> and <c> there is evidence that they were originally stops. The assignment
…
It is disputed at which time stops of class 3 developed into spirants. I argue that both <b>
84
nants other than stops, such as rhbw "fire" > SA9,(I)B, mhw.t "family" > mA2,e'S"7o, nhr
…
seOOtfT /'thowt/, beC0O3T and hw.t-hrw > soAOGOp /hat'hor/, b&e(i)p (both are originally
85
<b>, cases of confusion can already be observed in the New (or perhaps even Middle)
…
(b),(%d,d,g,q
86
(stative) > b©02- On these cf. Fecht (i960: note 505 on p. i8of.), Osing (1976a: notes 611
…
/n/, ^ HI, p hi, B /p/, (1)1, OV /vff). Thus, the aspirate sign may not only be a representative
…
of the following sonorant (thus XN&.'B' would be spoken something like knnaw). Vycichl
…
• p}i (demonstrative pronoun) > b<j>dJ /'phaj/ in autonomous position but bn<M- /paj-/
92
whether the contrasts /b/ — /p/ and /g/ — /k/ did develop in Late Coptic and were
…
b
…
/b/ in European loan words.
93
b
…
vs. non-aspirate. Arabic voiced d is represented as A; Arabic b is rendered as FT because
…
b
106
• %c.w "treasuries" (since OK) > *ihr.w^ > s&20Xl)p, b^o.(l)p
…
• 'hmw ~ csmw ~ 'hmw "twigs" > b^&Se.A\ (for the Egyptian word see von Deines &
109
• qhqh "to hammer (metal)" > H5dJieq,~s&b&sq,, bA&2Ae9,
…
well as to the Sahidic noun B^TG of indeterminable gender. Both these words are
110
Sethe 1899-1902: I, § 227a), just as it often does preceding <m>, <p>, or <b> (Kg* § 3.16.1):
…
Kingdom, with the Greek name ©npai^ which appears as te-qa- in linear-B texts. The
111
b&©0&f ~d^AOAf, from Semitic *'agalt-, Hoch 1994: no. 100).
…
or one of the consonants <b> or <w>; it seems plausible that these sounds have evoked an
115
b/j/
123
hnd "to tread" > ^(ONT /'hont/, b£)CuNT /'xont/ "to approach"
…
ih r-k "what is to you?; why do you (...)?" > sd,2pO-K /ah'rak/, b&£)0-K (with
133
<b> ibi (> m
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<b> /p/ ~ [bi
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<b>/p/
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There are five Egyptian graphemes for labial consonants: <f>, <b>, <p>, <m>, and <w>. For the
134
(prVpurtV) and b€ITHIT /a'pep/ (month name) < Egyptian ipip (i[V]p'iupV). This IT can in
…
<p> is often not tolerated in direct contact with a dental stop and shifts to Coptic B /fV or
…
B^ITTei "to harm", Bohlig 1954: 47), there is a Bohairic rendering ?veBTON for ^CITTOM
135
For rare cases of a development p > b outside this condition see Osing (1976a: note 461
…
<b> in Egyptian
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• w'b (w[V]'cabV) "to be pure" (infinitive) > sOTOn /"wop/
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• w'b.w (wa'VbwV) "to be pure" (stative) > "OTdAB /'wa:p7, 'W&B
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after single consonants but were retained after consonant clusters. Any /b/ which
…
Traces of the sound shift /b/ > /pi can be found in writing from the New Kingdom on (cf.
136
3.12.5 B 'n Coptic
…
Bohairic seems to have had the peculiarity that 6 was realized as a stop [b] in word-final
…
• qlb "to double" > sKCOB /'kop/, *>KCl)B~Ka>n /'kop/ f'kob]
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I assume that Bohairic [b] is a phonetic archaism: /b/ usually shifted to /p/ but was
…
consonants: b (= /b/, for IT, <l>, and word-final B), b' (probably = /p/, for word-initial and
…
The bilabial nature of B seems to be confirmed by a sound rule of Sahidic according to
143
Ub.fi (j[V]'JVbVtjV) "east" > sei(e)BT/3]pt/ ~ /'jpt/, b(e)feBT
…
• itp C?atpV) "to load" > sCOTF! /'otp/, b(l)6T
145
bho "hill" (b[V]'kwV) (since MK) > 600V /'p3w/*74
…
3 "big" ("a>V) > s'b-0 fof (in Coptic found in compounds only)
149
• ink (ia'nakV) independent personal pronoun 1st pers. sg. > s'b&NOK /a'nok/
…
1) itrw "river, Nile" > ^lOOp fp:r/, bIOp "canal" and 2) 'i "big" > s>b-0 hi
…
• di.t-w'b- "to cleanse" (with following pronominal suffix) > sTBfiO- /tB'o/, bTO'S'60-
151
• miwt ('mi?VwtV) "to think" (since MK) > s-a^e€?re /'me:w3/, b>\e?TI
…
• snw.t "granary" > bUJ£'B'NI /'Jewni/ (with metathesis)
…
• th.t ('tihtV) "to be drunk" > ^e /'tihe/, b©l3l
158
• htr "span of horses; couple" > ^dvTpe vs. b&0pe
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• soeiAe, o&eiAe, b(2)(0IAI "hook", a derivation from him "to catch fish"201
159
• hw.t-hrw "Hathor (divine name)" > ^d^etflp, b&e(!)p (name of the 3rd month of the
…
• pr-b'st.t "house of Bastet (goddess)", a place name > 'TiO'ff'BdXf
165
Sonorants in this sense are <m>, <n>, <r> (/r/ and /l/), <b> /p/, but not 1)1 and /w/. In the
…
• ibnw "alum" > soBN /'apn/, b(06eN
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• inhmn (a fruit) >(?) ^pA&N /hr'man/, b(2)epA&N "pomegranate". The words for
167
and as 2ePewoto<; in Greek, > sAeAN03T /com'nut/, b£6>\N0,S,t. The modern Arabic
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nb) "spindle" > a<\B£l /J'Pej/; but without dissimilation bAB<M and, with irregular It,
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nsb "to lick" (since OK) > b^&nCI /'lapsi/ "to bite" (cf. also Arabic v_a~J lasaba "to
…
• mrkbt "chariot" (from Semitic, B®5 appendix 5) > ^epeeCOOTTT ~ BpeOOTT,
Syllable structure and phonotactis
193
etymologically, e.g. mini "to land" > sAO0N£, b(&).M)NI; on this cf. Osing (1976a: note
…
metathesis in fC€B"°.l /'sewhi/ as opposed to SC&.2,0'8' /'sahu/ (or /'sahw/) < shwr
Vowels
240
• mwt "to die, to kill" > VMMSWT /'muwt/, b.M0OTT /'mowt/
…
• pr "house" (since OK) > sAeNe-JT(0p /cang'por/, b£eNe-(£top "roof
241
• iyr "stag" (since NK) > ^(CjfOTfX /a'jul/, b£I(W?V, probably from Semitic *?ajjal-,
…
• Demotic mil "onion" > *AZMK /m'col/, b(e)*AQ)?i~*S(W?v, cf. Arabic J-=j basal
244
HiOS, b(0Otf
245
The nominal plural suffix s-00?re, b-(0O'S"l is irregular. I assume that its form has been
…
Bohairic form -C0OTTI was influenced by the plurals in s>b-CuO?T (e.g. s>bp0)O?T
251
b,ne
255
• b& ('baJkV) "servant" > tfiCOK /'Bok/
…
• w'b (WbV) "priest" > sOTTHHB /'we:p7, bO-JTHB, <WieiB€ /'wi:p[a]/
…
lost (f£S" § 3.14.3), but the final vowel is usually preserved as s-6, b-l (vowel of class 2 as
…
mtr.t ('mVtVrtV) "noon" (>? 'mVtVrrV) > sA6ep€ /'me:ra/, b*epi
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• hbsw.t (h[V]b'sawtV) "clothing" > ^BCO) /hg'so/, ^eBOl) (instead of *2[e]BC(0€)
256
• mri.t ('mirVjtV) "to love" > a^ei£ /'meja/ (or /'me:ja/?), b^ei /'mej/ or /'mei/ (for
…
preserved as s-a-€, b-0 (vowel class 3 as defined in § 5.8.5):
…
• msdr ('masVdrV) "ear" > ms4c (OS* § 3.6.4.4) > s/\dAA6, b^d.«JA
257
s-€, b-0 in this case (US* § 5.8.6.5):
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• bibi (bfVl'JubJV) "hole" (> b[V]'}ubV) > »J*HB /'BeB/
258
4b' "to seal" > sTQXfl6e, bTCl)B~TCl)n.
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feminine gender marker -t > s-€, b-f (e.g. sn.fi "two [fem.]" + -t > sCNT-e /'sntg/,
261
is in contact with them (b&Q'ifCuT /'t[h]wot/ "statue" < twtw written with the aspirate
…
• The opinion that Coptic has no glides at all, thus (6)1 and (O)B" always express
Prosody
278
occurrence, and b) the fact that the elements occurred in syntagmatic combination does
…
(stressed s'b&. before M is impossible morpheme-internally, E5° § 5.10).
289
9) nominal prefix s'b&T + (nominal or verbal) stem. This prefix forms nouns of negative
…
11) relative clause marker s'b€T + verb
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The columns refer to the following graphical features of Coptic (S = Sahidic, B -
…
b) use of the complex grapheme f for the sequence /ti/ (as opposed to TI or T£l)
Appendix 1-10
296
b
299
d + b
…
p + b
…
t + b
…
t + b
…
k + b
…
b + b
…
b + d
…
b + z
…
b+f
…
b + s
…
b+h
…
b + q
…
b+b
…
b+g
304
B(0Te
306
B®* § 4.8.6.
310
s.b©On /'kiap/
311
?dbi:b
315
yws?b
320
h?b[hab]
322
b
…
/fait/ "to jump, to run" < sn(l)T, b$(DT "to
…
^Aecop, b&ecop
…
/han'du:s/ "lizard" < b&M0O?rC "lizard"
327
word B in
328
B.CDK
Selective index, Bibliography, Abbreviations of journals
332
'b
336
B, Nr. 50)
…
Bishai, Wilson B. i960: Notes on the Coptic substratum in Egyptian Arabic, in JAOS 80: 225-
…
Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. & Haring, B.J.J. 1994: Egyptians in Neo-Babylonian Sippar, in JCS 46:
339
----- 1967: Grammaire elementaire du Moyen Egyptien, traduite par B. van de Walle et J.
…
im Text, Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr
352
Berlin par B. van der Walle, Bruxelles
…
und iibersetzt. Zweite, verbesserte Auflage, 2 volumes, Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner
especially if it is comparatively short - indicate an intrusive segment which might
have been vocalic in nature, but might also have came close to a syllabic sonorant
("Murmelkonsonant").
• Nacel (1966) adopts Polotsky's view and refines it by asserting that any consonant
including obstruents can in principle form the nucleus of a syllable.
• Vergote (1973/83: la, § 68 and lb, § 40) considers the stroke principally a syllable
indicator. The syllable can be formed either by adding a weak vowel in pronuncia-
tion (a± in Vergote's transcription) or by using a sonorant as a syllable nucleus (he
notes the vocalic function of the sonorant by the abstract symbol a2). (Cf. already
Vergote 1954b: 105).
• Hintze (1980: 73-77) develops an abstract phonological representation of Coptic
which is supradialectal and serves as a deep structure from which dialectal
divergences as well as intradialectal morphophonological variation of Coptic can be
derived. In this deep structure, he does not admit consonant clusters within a
syllable but posits a phoneme /o/ in many places where in Sahidic the superlinear
stroke is written.
• Depuydt (1985a: i33f.) follows Worrell's and Polotsky's view and states:
" (...) the superlinear stroke is a syllabic marker: it is placed over conso-
nants that serve in place of a vowel as a sonorous center, and it extends
backward or forward so as to include in part a preceding or succeeding
letter belonging to the same syllable".
He does not clarify which factors determine the exact extension of the stroke. As is
elaborated in detail in Depuydt (1998: 341, 352L), he sees no difficulty for any
consonant in Coptic to be potentially a syllable nucleus. Just as Worrell did, he
considers the superlinear stroke as a means of guiding the reader towards the correct
syllabification, which is especially needed since Coptic texts lack word division
(Depuydt 1993: 358f.).
• Vycichl (1990: 203-207) likewise subscribes to the view that the superlinear stroke
is a syllabic marker, and that any consonant may be a syllable nucleus in Coptic. He
argues that assimilatory effects as evidenced by renderings like sAOTTttr (AO'B'Hr)
(besides SAOTTMK) (on this US' § 3.3.7) indicate that fl was in direct contact with the
following velar plosive, so the word was pronounced disyllabically as mu:-nk (and
not ...n»k or similarly). This changes, however, in the later stages of Coptic:
"Souvent une voyelle breve et peut-etre ultrabreve s'insere devant une con-
sonne syllabique [...]. Le timbre des voyelles developpees ulterieurement
est mal connu et n'etait certainement pas le meme dans toutes les parties
du pays." (Vycichl 1990: 207).
In sum, we have to state that neither the interpretation of the superlinear stroke as a
vowel sign nor as a syllabic marker is proven. For some additional evidence against its
interpretation as a syllabic marker Kg" §6.4.7.2. The syllable is in principle an
64
have been vocalic in nature, but might also have came close to a syllabic sonorant
("Murmelkonsonant").
• Nacel (1966) adopts Polotsky's view and refines it by asserting that any consonant
including obstruents can in principle form the nucleus of a syllable.
• Vergote (1973/83: la, § 68 and lb, § 40) considers the stroke principally a syllable
indicator. The syllable can be formed either by adding a weak vowel in pronuncia-
tion (a± in Vergote's transcription) or by using a sonorant as a syllable nucleus (he
notes the vocalic function of the sonorant by the abstract symbol a2). (Cf. already
Vergote 1954b: 105).
• Hintze (1980: 73-77) develops an abstract phonological representation of Coptic
which is supradialectal and serves as a deep structure from which dialectal
divergences as well as intradialectal morphophonological variation of Coptic can be
derived. In this deep structure, he does not admit consonant clusters within a
syllable but posits a phoneme /o/ in many places where in Sahidic the superlinear
stroke is written.
• Depuydt (1985a: i33f.) follows Worrell's and Polotsky's view and states:
" (...) the superlinear stroke is a syllabic marker: it is placed over conso-
nants that serve in place of a vowel as a sonorous center, and it extends
backward or forward so as to include in part a preceding or succeeding
letter belonging to the same syllable".
He does not clarify which factors determine the exact extension of the stroke. As is
elaborated in detail in Depuydt (1998: 341, 352L), he sees no difficulty for any
consonant in Coptic to be potentially a syllable nucleus. Just as Worrell did, he
considers the superlinear stroke as a means of guiding the reader towards the correct
syllabification, which is especially needed since Coptic texts lack word division
(Depuydt 1993: 358f.).
• Vycichl (1990: 203-207) likewise subscribes to the view that the superlinear stroke
is a syllabic marker, and that any consonant may be a syllable nucleus in Coptic. He
argues that assimilatory effects as evidenced by renderings like sAOTTttr (AO'B'Hr)
(besides SAOTTMK) (on this US' § 3.3.7) indicate that fl was in direct contact with the
following velar plosive, so the word was pronounced disyllabically as mu:-nk (and
not ...n»k or similarly). This changes, however, in the later stages of Coptic:
"Souvent une voyelle breve et peut-etre ultrabreve s'insere devant une con-
sonne syllabique [...]. Le timbre des voyelles developpees ulterieurement
est mal connu et n'etait certainement pas le meme dans toutes les parties
du pays." (Vycichl 1990: 207).
In sum, we have to state that neither the interpretation of the superlinear stroke as a
vowel sign nor as a syllabic marker is proven. For some additional evidence against its
interpretation as a syllabic marker Kg" §6.4.7.2. The syllable is in principle an
64