Peust, Carsten
Egyptian phonology: an introduction to the phonology of a dead language
— Göttingen, 1999
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Titelblatt
Contents
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±.2 Remarks on the transcription and specific terminology used throughout
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1.4 Peculiarities of a phonological analysis of Egyptian as an extinct
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1.8 A short history of research in Egyptian phonology............................................26
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a.a.i The disappearance of Coptic as a spoken language; a.a.a Coptic as a language of
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2.4 Major dictionaries and grammars of Egyptian....................................................36
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tive features; 2.5.5 Sign color; 2.5.6 Segmentation; 2.5.7 Functional classes within the
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2.6.1 On the nature of the conventional transcription................................................46
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a.6.5 The Egyptological scholarly pronunciation......................................................52
7
2.9.1 Akkadian and cuneiform texts; 2.9.2 North-West Semitic languages and scripts;
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3.2 The opposition between two series of stops in Egyptian: various
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3.3-4 Lack of voiced stops in Later Egyptian...........................................................88
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3.5.1 Places of articulation; 3.5.2 Voiceless or voiced?; 3.5.3 Merger of <h> and <h> in
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the system of velar plosives at four different stages of Egyptian
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3.9.2 Palatalization caused labials in the Old Kingdom...........................................120
8
3.9.5 Late palatalization of a velar fricative..........................................................123
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3.9.8 Palatals as a product of conflation................................................................125
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3-ii.i. Overview; 3.11.3 The liquid character of <3>; 3.H.3 The opposition of It J and
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3.i3.i General remarks; 3.i3.2 The orthographic shift <i> > <w> in word-final position;
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3.14.2 Loss of the glides <5>, <j>, and <w>................................................................142
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3.i6 Assimilation and dissimilation of consonants..................................................161
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3.16.4.1 General remarks; 3.16.4.2 n > r in the neighborhood of m; 3.16.4.3 r
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3.i6.6 Other cases of assimilation and dissimilation.................................................169
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3.17.1 Intrusive ft in Sahidic; 3.17.2 Intrusive JT and 6; 3.17-3 Epenthesis of I / OTT
9
4.2 Predicting the Coptic vowel class by the number of following consonants... 175
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4.3.1 Basic principles; 4.3.2 Classical formulations of the syllable structure rules
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4.6 The typological unnaturalness of traditional Paleo-Coptic............................181
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4.8.1 Epenthetic 6 in Coptic; 4.8.2 The noun r "mouth"; 4.8.3 The divine name Seth;
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4.9.1 The development of consonant clusters from Egyptian to Sahidic Coptic:
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4.9.2.1 Morpheme-initial two-consonantal clusters composed of obstruents;
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two-consonantal clusters composed of obstruents; 4.9.2.5 Morpheme-final
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5.1 Sources of information about Egyptian vowels................................................199
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5.3.2.1 General remarks; 5.2.2.2 Evidence in favor of the qualitative distincti-
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5.2.3.1 Previous treatments; 5.2.3.2 Double vowels as indicators of vowel
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position; 5.3.5 The vowel system of Mesokemic; 5-3.6 The vowel system of Bohairic
10
5.4 Possible cases of vowel representation in indigenous Egyptian writing.......217
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5.4.3.1 The historical background of group writing; 5.4.2.2 The system of
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5.5.5 The case of ujow..............................'...........................................................226
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5.5.6.1 Previous treatments of the issue; 5.5.6.2 A reexamination
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5.6 Development of stressed vowels in specific environments.............................237
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5.6.3.1 Nasalization of ahieh an^ ihighJ 5-6.3.2 Nasalization of the sequence
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5.6.6.1 High vowels before/; 5.6.6.2 Raising of low vowels before pre-
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5.7.1 Subphonemic nasalization of vowels after m and n; 5.7.2 Nasal vowels in southern
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5.8.2 Insertion of a subphonological G in contact with sonorants...............................251
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5.8.6 Rules for the loss of Egyptian word-final vowels by the time of Coptic.............254
11
5.9.1 Principal pieces of evidence; 5.9.2 Scholarly opinions; 5.9.3 The borderline
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labic sonorants before vowels; 5.10.6 Syllabic sonorants and vowel length; 5.10.7 The
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ic; 6.1.4 Stress marks in Coptic manuscripts; 6.1.5 How to determine the stress position
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6.2.2.1 Definition; 6.2.2.2 Examples; 6.2.2.3 The development of compounds
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6.4.7.1 The influence of morpheme boundaries on Coptic spelling; 6.4.7.2
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Appendix 1 Frequency of consonants in Middle Egyptian.....................................295
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Abbreviations of journals......................................................................................................363
Preface
12
The present book has been written as part of the project "Die Position des Agyptischen im
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me by e-mail. His friendly cooperation had a major impact on the development of this book.
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theory. I would also like to thank Peter Meyer (Berlin) who examined parts of the text from a
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Wolfhart Westendorf, and some others specifically mentioned in the footnotes.
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Last but not least, I am most grateful to Laura Catharine Smith (Madison) who took on the not
Introduction
13
peculiarity of Egyptian lies in the length of documented language history. With a history
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western societies. In modern Egypt, two distinct varieties of Arabic, which show
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°f Egyptians who, besides knowing one or more varieties of Egyptian, were familiar with
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possible that certain linguistic features which emerged in the ancient Eastern
14
The indigenous Egyptian scripts are complex systems in which several graphemic
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ar with the basic issues and principal problems of one subdiscipline of the Egyptian lan-
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The notion of definiteness is an important grammatical category in the languages of
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all, or may interact with various categories as diverse as case, verbal agreement, or
15
My description is somewhat eclectic and does not address all 4500 years of attested
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for this: a large tendency to write in an archaic style (e.g. in the centuries following the
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The conventional transcription indicates the consonants of a word by means of conven-
16
1.2.2 Notation of Egyptian vowels
…
Let us consider the example ntr ('natrV) "god". The conventional transcription of the
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In order to indicate a phonetic or phonological rendering of an Egyptian word during a
…
Each Coptic word is preceded by a letter in superscript which indicates the dialect from
17
side by side (s&NOK /anok/, "dvNdvK /a'nak/). s.bCON /'son/ "brother" means that the word
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Egyptian is an inflecting language. If not specified otherwise, nouns are usually cited in
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ately before a noun phrase serving as possessor (in case of nouns), as direct object (in
…
In the Egyptological transcription, the signs (.) and (-) are employed to mark morpheme
…
Periods of Egyptian history
18
A phoneme is traditionally defined as the smallest meaning-differentiating phonetic unit
…
the Russian i-sound. Some scholars consider it a distinct phoneme, but others prefer
…
distributional, morphological, dialectal, historical, etc.) can be adduced in favor of
19
use of each of them for what they explain best.
…
Thus we see that a phonological analysis is not merely concerned with the "sounds" of a
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Although Ancient Egyptian is essentially attested as a written language, it is useful to
20
However the types of evidence used to construct a phonological system of Egyptian have
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cal considerations -, we also have to pay more attention to the relationship of different
22
founded descriptions of both the phonology and the semantics of living languages are
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However, there are also advantages specific to Egyptian, namely the fact that this
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language. This is not to say that we could avoid (re)constructions as such, but everything
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The methods of historical linguistics are frequently applied in order to reconstruct an
23
three series of plosives (voiceless, voiced, emphatic) are not distinguished in writing, but
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The Neogrammarian's principles predict here that, unless a specific environment can be
…
confirmation for them from that period. In this case, they serve to refine our picture of the
24
earlier language and help us to get insight into what is hidden by deficiencies of the
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Although phonetic data most naturally provide a major base for researching the phonol-
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A) Two or more graphemes correspond to one phoneme: the graphemic system is more
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nents (cf. the difference between small and capital letters in the Latin script). What we
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expressed, we may be able to find specific environments by which the allophones are
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allophone rather than a phoneme. However, we can only observe this if the conditioning
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If a former phonetic distinction is eliminated through language change, the corresponding
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low sociohierarchical scale. There is a good chance that in the long run one of these
25
graphemes will be eliminated from the writing system, or the difference will be reinter-
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B) Two or more phonemes correspond to one grapheme: the graphemic system is less
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phonemes hidden behind the single grapheme <q>, since the corresponding sounds end up
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An amount of uncertainty always remains. It is possible and actually to be expected that
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systems since they show marked differences on all levels of linguistic description
Basic information about Egyptian
27
2.1 Diachronic stages of the Egyptian language
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Until approximately i3oobc, basically one language was used for all purposes of writing.
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spoken and written language differed from another at that time. From the late 3rd
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From about i3oobc on, remarkable linguistic differences can be observed on the
28
phonological systems of both styles had become differentiated (only) by this time, as
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on the given text genre to a certain degree. "Classical" Middle Egyptian with its wealth
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called Demotic, which is a development from hieratic. Demotic was used as the means of
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the Egyptian language. An important early example is the inscription of Hurgonaphor, an
29
Demotic signs, which seems to be composed basically in a form of Neo-Middle Egyptian.
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As a part of the Roman empire, Egypt gradually became a Christian country. Classicistic
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came into full use around 3ooad, when major portions of the Bible were translated into
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Today the Egyptian Arabic dialect is the means of communication among the vast
30
liturgical purposes, although most of them understand little or nothing of these texts. The
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eties of Coptic
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Coptic finally became extinct as a spoken language but continues to be used as a liturgi-
31
a.2.± The disappearance of Coptic as a spoken language
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Coptic spoken in their youth. This would have been approximately at the beginning of the
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a.2.2 Coptic as a language of liturgy in modern Egypt
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so dass die wissenschaftliche Welt darin nicht einseitig orientiert bleibt." To the
32
literary variety of Coptic throughout Egypt because the center of Coptic culture was
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Patriarch Cyrillus IV (1854-1861) introduced another change in the way liturgical texts
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It is unclear whether what struck these authors was the presence of specifically Coptic
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specific pronunciation /pY, unfamiliar to Arabic, of the letter 6 until quite recently. But
33
When variation within a language is encountered, there are several possibilities of
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(variation across different geographical regions). The latter type is what is usually
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The only example of a distinct Pre-Coptic dialect the texts of which originate from a
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15 A few rather limited peculiarities of certain texts were explained as dialectal
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Several scholars have suggested that the attested diachronic stages are additionally
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Egyptian and Late Egyptian in (an)other area(s) of unknown localization (Satzinger
34
of rendering the spoken language into a graphical code. Differences similar to those
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tions are often strikingly similar to historically preceding stages of the Egyptian
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various orthographic traditions for rendering a uniform language. Loprieno deserves the
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18 For morphological differences see Till (1961). Note that most, but not all of these
35
The major dialects of Coptic are the following:
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• Bohairic. Although a few Bohairic manuscripts already appear in the 4th century ad,
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• Fayyumic (Faiyumic). Texts in this dialect are attested from the 3/4th to the 10th
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19 The numerous writings of the abbot Shenoute (4th/5th century ad) are the most
36
attested by a few manuscripts from the 4th and 5th centuries. Since most Mesokemic
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2.4 Major dictionaries and grammars of Egyptian
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occurrences in the texts. There exists no thesaurus of the Egyptian language to date.
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Although becoming slightly outdated, this is still the most important Egyptian
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which pay notice to diachronic differences, seven volumes (the sixth volume being a
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covering texts written until the New Kingdom (Old Egyptian, Middle Egyptian, Late
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20 Kasser (1978: 76L) cites the relevant passage in the Arabic original as well as in
37
Dictionaries of Middle Egyptian
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• *van der Plas (1996): This is a searchable glossary of the Coffin Texts on the World
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• * Wilson (1997) (Egyptian - English): Dictionary covering the Neo-Middle Egyptian
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Dictionaries of Coptic (the Coptic dictionaries cover all dialects at once)
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8 000 entries and a glossary of place names.
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• Among the Coptic dictionaries, Westendorf (1965/1977) and Kasser (1967) contain
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• Hoch (1994) is a dictionary of Semitic loan words in Late Egyptian.
38
affairs. Vycichl (1983) also proposes numerous Afroasiatic etymologies of Egyptian
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into the Egyptian language as a whole and are primarily designed
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Middle Egyptian Gardiner (1957) is the most detailed grammar of Middle
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with the grammar of early Neo-Middle Egyptian. Late Neo-
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Late Egyptian Cerny & Groll (1998) is the most detailed modern grammar of
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still the most detailed Coptic grammar. Till (1961) is a compara-
39
preparation. There is a specialized grammar of the writings of
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2.5 The indigenous Egyptian scripts
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Egyptian, Egyptologists have come to establish sign inventories by which the infinite
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Egyptologists refer to each hieroglyph by a reference code composed of a letter (A to Z
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Two writing styles were used in ancient Egypt, both of which are attested side by side
40
diate forms of both styles exist. In the Late Period (from the mid of the ist millennium bc
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In writing and reading the Latin script, individual signs proceed sequentially from left to
41
four binary parameters. Before attempting to read, it is necessary to find out how the
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The following remarks will mainly be restricted to the hieroglyphic style. Hieroglyphs
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21 On reversed writing see Fischer (1977a). On the terminology "reversed" and
42
signs such as © (N5), ® (O49), © (O50), © (Aai) seem to constitute the major exception
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Hieroglyphs were frequently painted in color. Although in most cases the pigments have
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where still recognizable. Little research has been conducted by now regarding the
43
'Xbk, which is a picture of a human eye and is also employed in writing the Egyptian word
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there are (cf. Staehelin 1990: 107). It appears that a formal distinction of hieroglyphs can
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colors (Davies 1958: 27, cf. Staehelin 1990: n3). There is the possibility that color
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considered a single grapheme. Furthermore, due to phonological change the sound value
44
2.5.7 Functional classes within the hieroglyphic script
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trait, it can be considered to encode semantic information. Of course, a single grapheme
45
biconsonantal sign is equivalent to a sequence of two monoconsonantal signs without
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Egyptian words can be written with phonograms, semograms, or a combination of both.
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so there remain few words for which the sound structure is completely unknown.
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the lexicon are distinguished by the use of different graphemic subsets which are phonet-
46
The same phenomenon can be observed in Egyptian during two different periods of its
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2.6.1 On the nature of the conventional transcription
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Kammerzell (1995: xxxix) describes the conventional Egyptological transcription as "die
47
nominal plural ending .w, the adjectival ending .'i, the verbal past tense ending .n, and the
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2.6.i.a Problems connected with the transcription of certain words
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§ 150), and prw (Osing 1976a: note 1122 on p. 836f.); or the word___4s "king" as swtnj
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The fact cannot be stressed enough that the transcription is purely conventional. The
48
a.6.2 The monoconsonantal signs and their transcription
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27 As described in § 2.5.5, hieroglyphs are colored in many inscriptions. The chart indi-
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29 Although Loprieno indicates "jj or y" as the transcription in the chart on p. 15, he
49
Three signs pose special problems to the transcription, namely p <i>, lip <y>, and /( <i> (on
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In Old Egyptian H is not yet in use. pp looks like a mere sequence of two single p's. It is,
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In Late Egyptian, all three signs fall into a group of graphemes which are employed in a
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The sign p can be represented in Coptic as (6)1 1)1, or dropped altogether. Three assump-
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large preserved until the Coptic period, where /?/ is not expressed in writing at all.
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Sethe made this proposal because exact conditions for the preservation and the loss
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3) Albright (1946b: 319) and Hodge (1991b: 383) express the view that the original
50
At least as can be judged from Coptic, there seems to have been no phonetic difference
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In the 19th century, scholars distinguished all three signs in transcription (e.g. Brugsch &
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Egyptian texts, Steindorff (1892: 718-716) came to the conclusion that ^>p and H were not
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have been spoken in this word at the given time may fail to be written. This phenomenon
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certain consonant, frequently even within a single text. For example, the pronominal
51
is always preserved as 1)1 in phonetic environments which regularly preserve /j/ at
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degree. By far the most affected are <j> and <w>, to a lesser degree <n>, <m>, <r> and <>>.
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An explanation of defective writing may be the high degree of sonority of the consonants
52
disagree in where to assume unwritten j's and w's (D®° § 2.6.1.2). The hypothetical
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• Additionally, e-vowels are added which have no equivalent in the Egyptian text nor
53
of Egyptian. Egyptological scholarly pronunciation, although being a remarkable linguis-
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a. 6.$. a Pronunciation of consonants
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• Teaching books usually recommend a distinction of <h> and <h> as [x] and [cj respec-
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• <h> and <h> are usually pronounced identically as [h]. Since in German h is only
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• Teaching books recommend distinguishing -*°~ and l| as [z] and [s] respectively, but
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2.6.5.3 Vocalic realization of consonant symbols
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36 I was told that <t> could be heard as [ts] in Gottingen until the 1970s, but [tJ"] is the
54
between both symbols by employing distinct vowel quantities (e.g. <»> as [a] and <S as [a:]
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An analogous pronunciation of <j> as /j/ is found at only a few universities (jnk "I", most
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According to a rule widely observed in the Egyptological scolarly pronunciation, no
55
vocalization of final atonic -r is frequent: nfr "good" [nefe] besides [nefej] or f'nefer].
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e is not normally added at the beginning or at the end of a word. An exception is posed by
…
2.6.5.5 The r°le of morphology
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as ['sed3em?efj if it means "to hear him". For a detailed discussion see Peust (1996).
…
like the above mentioned. At least some of these cases seem to be relics of more archaic
…
• cnh "to live" is usually pronounced ['?anx] ~ ['?ang] instead of expected [*'?a:nex]
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e. An example is Ml (relative pronoun) ['?enti:]. I have, however, heard the expected
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39 Brugsch (1867-1882: IV, 1256). See there also for numerous additional examples of
56
• The inserted e is usually pronounced short. This seems generally to be true for all
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• In Munster I found a pronunciation ['h0j>] or ['hoeg]^ instead of the usual ['hee] for the
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distinct series of capital letters is found in a minority of Coptic manuscripts only (US'
57
2) The sound system of Later Egyptian becomes more and more difficult to examine
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45 No example found in Vernus's data. The same for cj>, X, ll/.
58
The Coptic alphabet includes digraphs representing a sequence of two phonemes. They
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The exclusively Coptic sign f is largely equivalent to a sequence of letters Tl ~ TGI. f is
…
• An Arabic transcription of the traditional pronunciation made by an inhabitant of
60
The digraphs €1 and 07T
…
It is difficult to give exact rules for the use of digraphs. Coptic manuscripts show much
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47 The assumption that in most Coptic dialects £1 can be used as a digraph with the
61
• The digraph €1 is not employed in Bohairic (i.e.: 61 in Bohairic always renders a
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• In Sahidic, I is preferred after consonants, although £1 can occur as well. After
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• Additionally, the choice may be influenced by phonological criteria. In Bohairic, for
…
2.7.5 The superlinear stroke in Sahidic-Coptic writing
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by the fact that Coptic diacritics are often rendered inaccurately in text editions. This
62
The Sahidic superlinear stroke marks letters which are employed as numerals (e.g. C "3")
…
cognates nor in Coptic loans in Arabic which corresponds to the stroke. Let us have a
…
[en'sa] (or similarly), Cu)TTl "to choose" is spoken ['so:top] ~ ['so:tep]. The same is
…
where superlinear strokes are likely to appear: e.g. SA-AHC6 "the interests" (for *N-
…
• Worrell (1934S1: 11-16, 129) is the first to clearly have expressed the opinion that
63
the superlinear stroke does not represent a vowel. He explains its occurrence above
…
However, the stroke also appears in cases like CWKtl "to break", CCOTTI "to choose",
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Polotsky (i933) supports Worrells point of view. He argues that graphical variation
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*COAenCW) "to break them". Therefore £ is evoked by the sonorant rather than being
…
Kasser (1965/66) tries to reconciliate the opinions of both sides and argues that the
64
have been vocalic in nature, but might also have came close to a syllabic sonorant
…
including obstruents can in principle form the nucleus of a syllable.
…
• Hintze (1980: 73-77) develops an abstract phonological representation of Coptic
…
• Vycichl (1990: 203-207) likewise subscribes to the view that the superlinear stroke
…
In sum, we have to state that neither the interpretation of the superlinear stroke as a
65
a given succession of phonemes, and as long as no independent parameter for determining
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The ancient Egyptians had a conventional order of arranging the consonants of their
…
<h>, <h>, <w>, <s>, <b>, <n>, <h>, <d>, <p>, <c>, <g>, <i>, <q> (omitting all consonants for which the
…
Egyptologists have developed a specific arrangement of their transcription alphabet
66
do not consider suffixes such as the feminine ending .t for the arrangement of words.
…
On the order of the Coptic alphabet US' § 2.7.1.
…
respectively. Note that Crum (1989) and Mallon (1956) never treat (6)1 as a
…
• Letters that represent a sequence of two phonemes are frequently analyzed. In most
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• Aspirate signs are treated the same way in the dialects in which they denote a
…
(1965/1977). Words of identical syllable structure are subarranged according to their
…
Coptic dictionaries usually cover more than one dialect. The lemmata are traditionally
…
dialectal sound and writing peculiarities is essential to find words of other dialects (e.g.
67
Bohairic QlZ>\ /'thixi/ "to get drunk" must be looked up under the Sahidic writing f2£
…
(1956: 202-214), Wessely (1910: 20-37) and concordances such as Lefort (1950) and
…
Transcriptions of Egyptian words in foreign scripts and vice versa provide one of the
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Egyptian lexemes have been identified. Whereas most of these words are probably taken
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1973/83: lb, §§48, 50, 55, 62-64). For an illustration of transcriptions from Tell el-
…
bled much of this cuneiform material. For additions see Albricht (1937), Bongenaar &
68
The Akkadian language and script was also employed by Egyptian scribes for the purpose
…
There is an Egyptian text from the New Kingdom in which the hieroglyphic sign 'ZZi
…
vowels, but there are important distinctions in the consonantal inventory absent in most
…
Quack (1992b). The Aramaic texts from Egypt also contain loan translations (caiques)
…
52 It is not clear whether zssn is an early form of zsn or whether it is another word.
69
Muchiki (1994) proposes several Egyptian borrowings and identifications of Egyptian
…
Contacts between Egyptians and speakers of Old South Arabian languages have also been
…
other Minaean inscriptions which might be Egyptian. There is also a transcription of the
…
Borrowings from Coptic are found in Ga'az, the classical literary language of Ethiopia.
70
which probably implies a very early date of borrowing. Examples:
…
and English ("adobe"). According to Behnstedt (1981: 93), the same Coptic word is
…
• waha "oasis" < •OVdgE, •'O'if&o, (Vycichl 1983: 241); via Greek, the Egyptian word
…
used in modern Egypt in an Arabified form. The most extensive collection of such names
…
We can conclude that Coptic influence on Arabic is in the whole rather limited.
71
Galtier (1906: 91-99) published a portion of a manuscript that renders a religious text in
…
Greek sources, probably beginning already with the Linear B inscriptions of the 2nd
…
eral types of Egyptian words in Greek transcription are cited by Vycichl (1983: 483-487).
72
• It is plausible to assume that many Egyptian words entered the African languages
…
their comparatively late date of attestation, show archaic phonetic features known
…
• Many Egyptian or Coptic words (and, by intermediation of Coptic, also Greek words)
…
languages within Africa have not yet been established, a differentiation of loan
73
Nubian): kdm (Vycichl 1956a: 44, the tone of this form from Werner 1987: 36o),
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• Cramer (1961) published a manuscript of a liturgical text in the Coptic language
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French: gainele et var. "kind of ship" < sSINO'S"H?v and melout "sheepskin" <
…
• One of the most important known documents of the Hurritic language (and
…
appears that borrowings from Semitic were not always fully adapted to the native
74
In some late non-literary Coptic texts we find words from Arabic, the language to which
…
'Abd-Allah, dvBiBO < Hablb\u\). On possible cases of influence of Arabic phraseology in
…
not borrowed directly from Hebrew but via the Greek Bible translation (e.g. iK&&JA,
…
Transcriptions identifiable as Semitic proper names are already attested from the Middle
…
Aside from borrowings and transcriptions of single words, the Egyptian script was also
…
logograms, along with words written in Hebrew letters. It seems probable that the whole
75
Papyrus Amherst 63 is a very sizable collection of Aramaic literary texts in Demotic
…
originally composed in Hebrew written in a variety of the Egyptian script ("reformed
…
There is a manuscript of more than forty leaves, dating approximately to the i3th century
…
Burmester (1965/66). The phonetic correspondences of this text are discussed by
…
From the time of the New Kingdom, we have a list of Cretan toponyms in Egyptian
…
are of course usually transcribed in Demotic script. However, texts have been found in
…
(also K5" § 2.8.2). Greek loans in Coptic are not fully adapted to the native phonological
…
record according to our knowledge, in the characters which are called among us the
76
intense that Coptic texts may contain portions in which all lexical roots are of Greek
…
(1971: 344-348) discusses some expressions which he considers loan translations from the
…
Additionally, there are numerous examples of indigenous proper names which were used
…
It appears that a similar graecization could also take place in toponyms. The modern
…
We find African proper names in so-called "execration texts" already in the Old61 and
77
• The names of numerous Roman emperors have been preserved in Egyptian transcrip-
…
also contains about twenty words (with translation) of an unidentified language.
…
• The Persian Achaemenid kings ruled over Egypt from 525 to 405 and from 342 to 332
…
transcribed in Coptic in the 7th century ad see Huyse (1990).
Consonants
79
In most Afroasiatic languages stops have three manners of articulation, namely voice-
…
The assignment of single phonemes to one of the articulation classes rests on several
80
3.2 The opposition between two series of stops in Egyptian:
…
to distinguish them in their transcriptions. The nature of the opposition, however,
…
When Brugsch & Erman (1889) established a convention of transcribing Egyptian, they
…
This transcription system, being propagated by the influential Berlin school, soon
…
Hoch (1994: 425-427) examines the representation of Semitic borrowings in Late
81
was indeed basically one of voice. However this is not at all evident from his data. Hoch
…
If Semitic Id/ is frequently rendered as Egyptian <d>, we can indeed conclude that <d> is
…
One of several solutions under early consideration was to interpret class 2 stops as
…
67 According to Hoch (1994: 43i), out of a total of 20 words Semitic d is transcribed in
82
When the voice hypothesis had become prevalent among Egyptologists, the alternative
…
As exemplified by the dental series, the two opinions can be summarized as follows:
…
account of Rossler's arguments as well as to leave intact the numerous long-established
…
Proto-Afroasiatic */d/ which conforms to Rossler's view for Egyptian as a whole). On the
…
ideally attributable to written sources of Northern and Southern provenance respectively.
83
theory arguing that the center of the standard language shifted from Northern to Southern
…
claim based on the treatment of Coptic borrowings in Arabic (Schenkel in preparation, cf.
…
Vergote (1945: 3of.) draws attention to the fact that class 1 stops are rendered by
…
that this sound shift might already have happened before the Old Kingdom (Vergote
…
Loprieno (1995: 34) tries to combine all three points of view and suggests that the
84
While an opposition between stops of classes l and 2 certainly existed, the available
…
inconsistency suggests that the phonological systems were quite different rather than
…
1976: 186); I suggest that it is based on a form such as the Arabic verbal noun J.;,,!^
…
Both classes of stops were distinguished strictly until about iooobc. There is no
85
the palatals <t> - <d> and dentals <t> - <d>.72 Only as concerns the distinction of <p> and
…
Classical Greek has three classes of stops: voiceless non-aspirate (jc, t, k), voiceless as-
…
In the Bohairic dialect of Coptic, the stops of classes 1 and 2 are still distinguished from
…
Westendorf (1962: §78 and 1981: 59), and Winand (1992: 47). The only counter-
86
Examples of minimal pairs:
…
• b0COM /'chom/ "garden" < k>nw — bX(0A /'com/ "roll of papyrus, book" < dm'
…
(stative) > b©02- On these cf. Fecht (i960: note 505 on p. i8of.), Osing (1976a: notes 611
…
Whereas according to the general rule the stop opposition is only preserved directly
87
In order to explain this type of exception, Kasser (1994b: nyM., 297) suggests that in
…
This is a good reason to believe that the aspirate signs in Bohairic actually express aspi-
…
Greek aspirates are regularly rendered as such in Bohairic, and we can assume that
…
In all Coptic dialects apart from Bohairic, stops derived from Egyptian stops of both the
88
and a long form H6- / T£- / N£- is used before nouns beginning with a consonant cluster.73
…
We can thus assume that Sahidic did not have aspirate plosives, and that aspirate stops of
…
• The Demotic word md> > A\i\!S.e (only in Sahidic) (a measure) was borrowed into
…
74 Girgis (1971-1973: 49f.). With definite article OdAdXCdv in the singular, rf9,dAdXC&,
89
3.3-5 The representation of Greek voiced stops (as well as Q in Coptic
…
consistently rendered as they are in the source language. It is possible that at least
…
2) Greek voiced stops may be consistently rendered with the letters for voiceless
…
3) Texts are much more common in which the letters for voiced stops C, A, 1 are widely
…
4) Primarily in certain early manuscripts, we find that stops of Greek words are
…
77 p, 8 and y have developed into spirants by Modern Greek. The behavior of Greek
…
was already pronounced as a fricative /p/ as in Modern Greek - 3) Greek p was a
90
3.3.6 Substitution of foreign /&/ by a stop
…
"form" > C2HA& and CUJHA& (besides CXHJW) (Girgis 1967-1968: 62). The time of
…
• /t/: most speakers of Dutch, French (in Canada), Slavonic languages, and certain
…
We can observe that Greek /9/ is consistently rendered as 0 /th/~/th/ (more rarely as T2,
…
valuable data on the topic from several linguists. My thanks go especially to Karen
91
The sequence NK may be replaced by Nr in native Sahidic words (in Greek words, any K
…
attested at the other places of articulation (NT does not interchange with *MA), so the
…
Similar phenomena are known in several languages worldwide. In German, the sound [rj]
…
3.3.8 The evolution of voiced stops in Late Coptic
…
ceased to be in productive written use: The distinction aspirate - non-aspirate in stops
92
• Stops in word-final position did not become voiced, so the distinction of both series
…
ings into Coptic. The original pronunciation of stops in these words was possibly
…
probably lacked /g/ as did Classical Arabic84.. These articulations seem to have
…
tion of earlier Late Bo-
…
substitutions of sounds
…
83 This is true for the standard language as well as for most modern Arabic dialects
…
the sound value was l$l in early Arabic). This phoneme is today realized as /}/ in
93
A i3th century Arabic version of the Apophthegmata Patrum written in Coptic letters (on
…
The Arabic dialect transcribed here lacks /p/, /g/, as well as /d/. We observe that the
…
stops, while French voiceless stops are frequently transcribed by the Coptic signs for
…
A similar variation can be observed in the names of the Coptic letters recorded by
…
dated to the 18th century, which was published by Galtier (1906) (US' §2.9.4). The
…
85 Arabic t is voiceless; q can be voiced or voiceless depending on the dialect.
94
Arabic transcription of Coptic words
…
o../f/
…
The difference between both sets of dental and palatal stops is clearly one of voice in
…
Ga'az transcription of Coptic words
…
86 The fact is curious that bcj>e "heaven" is rendered as L /'ba:/ but its plural M'HO'SM
95
The fact that /p/ is not used here may be either due to Arabic influence or due to the fact
…
ation which was added at some time between 1581 and 1718 (D®" § 2.9.7). The transcrip-
…
d ~ t (the latter especially in word-final position)
…
Latin g is used for rendering the palatal A more frequently than for rendering K. This may
96
Languages can be classified into three types with regard to the status of the so-called
…
that the so-called double vowels of Coptic are a graphic device for rendering glottal
…
numerous glottal stops for the phonological representation of Coptic, even in word-final
97
tion. While such is indeed the case in German, we have to consider that German is quite
…
variants with superfluous 2 [h]89 or glides9° before word-initial vowels support the
…
come under strong Arabic influence. According to Depuydt's (1998: 362) analysis of the
…
spoken with a preceding glottal stop.91 This is evidently true for the modern liturgical
…
For Egyptian, the question is even more difficult to judge. While early scholars assumed
…
standard Sahidic texts, e.g. OtffflBUJ [woBJ] instead of s(u8U[ /'opj/ "to forget" and
…
91 However, Depuydt does not conclude, as I do, that the glottal stop was introduced
98
the letter I (alif) is used to indicate a word-initial vowel of any quality, although a glottal
…
3.5.1 Places of articulation
…
It can be observed that the vowel qow, which normally developed into s'bd>. (Kg" §5.5),
…
Before 1 < h, however, we have the regular development:
…
92 IPA symbol for a voiceless pharyngeal spirant, conventionally transcribed as h by
99
The fact is curious that some assimilation processes which usually require the concerned
…
3.5.3 Merger of <h> and <h> in Coptic
…
time.94 Both sounds conflate into 2 /h/ in all Coptic dialects. At least by the present
…
Greek /h/ is usually rendered as 2 in Coptic, /h/ of Greek loans is, however, often written
…
not justified etymologically (cf. Kahle 1954: I, 139-143). This is probably due to the
…
94 See Lacau (1965: i2f.), Vergote (1973/83: lb, § 28I1). For doubtful earlier cases of
…
95 Schenkel (in preparation) is going to argue that the difference is actually preserved
100
3.6.1 The phoneme /?/ in the 2nd and 1st millennia bc
…
Most scholars assume that Egyptian <S 11/ was essentially the same sound as Semitic 111,
…
3.6.2 The emergence of A/
…
Ernstedt (1986: 57-59) argues that Egyptian <S (and <h>) can be represented as /h/,
…
97 However, Conti (1976: 52L) and Osing (1997) give more weight to the old etymolog-
101
The Egyptian word for "one" is w'w > Coptic KW^., kySAI. The loss of final -w indicates
…
number of lexical doublets which are attested in writings both with <c> and with <d>.99
…
of a reading w'jw.
…
'b. The development <c> > 1 is not quite regular (Kg5 § 3.6.4.3). Word-final -6 devel-
102
understood as follows: Originally <S expressed the sound /d/. Not too long before the
…
At a first glance, this suggests that the sound change took place little earlier than the
…
is often omitted or added without etymological justification. I take this as an indication
…
preserved in Coptic). No trace of/?/ is left in Arabic borrowings from Coptic.
…
io3 Semitic 'bd "servant" as an element of proper names is rendered as Egyptian <'pr>
103
the neighboring vowel (or vowels which are contracted) are spoken as a long vowel with
…
• i'h "moon" > *iih (transcribed asja in cuneiform at the time of the New Kingdom,
…
Now consider the phenomenon of vowel lengthening (US' §5.5.10.2). There is vowel
104
indicate that <% must have been lost early since final. <S normally lengthens the stressed
…
3.6.4.2 Dissimilation in the neighborhood of <h> (<h>)
…
Theoretically two interpretations are possible here. Either the sound expressed by <i>
105
Egyptian 111 was occasionally devoiced to /h/ and then retained in Coptic as 2- This
…
as msh in Napatan Egyptian (cf. Wb II, 147,1 and Peust 1999).
…
These cases have to be distinguished from writings of superfluous 2 in certain early
…
There seem to be a few examples of a variation <S ~ <i>> at the beginning of a word,
…
This word is attested in a by-form msd' from the New Kingdom on. msd' must also be the
106
base for the Coptic forms (s>\dAxe, bAdJH2., fAeese).110
…
• h'p'i "Nile" (since OK) is also written hrp (and hpr with graphical metathesis) in the
…
There are a few more words in which <S is represented as p, \, or N in Coptic outside this
…
• 'hmw ~ csmw ~ 'hmw "twigs" > b^&Se.A\ (for the Egyptian word see von Deines &
…
• Perhaps: s>'-i.iri.t-f (end of New Kingdom) "until he does" > Demotic s't-f ~ s'mt-f
…
There are rare cases of graphical confusion between <c> and <z>, e.g.:
…
• qi' "to vomit" (since MK) > sK&.-BO&, attested as qh in the early New Kingdom and
…
that the sound shift /d/ > /?/ proceeded through an intermediate stage /3/ (or similarly)
…
express a consonant here but merely indicates the feature which surfaces as a
…
112 See Devaud & Sethe (1910: i63), Jansen-Winkeln (1996: §50), and the attestations
107
correspond to two letters for velars as well as two letters for palatals in Coptic. The
…
of the hieroglyphic grapheme
…
General remarks on the opposition <k> — <g> — <q>
…
Semitic languages, although no clear evidence on the actual sound values of these
…
3o4-3o6). Based on etymological considerations, he assumes that <d> and <i> are the
…
I hesitate to make a decision on the phonological distinction between <q> and <g> and
108
after the New Kingdom (for details Kg1 3.9.4.2).
…
This phoneme is absent in Old Egyptian.11^ Only from the Middle Kingdom on do a lim-
…
palatalization applied only after these words had entered the Egyptian language.
…
• h'q "to capture", in Coptic still present in the derivation ^^(dijse, bo,<\AI "snare".
…
ductive noun in Demotic and becomes restricted in use to the complex preposition
109
!tp7)-114 ^ne complex metathesis can be compared to the cases cited by Vycichl
…
• qui "to be strong" > >>6NO, (stative:) seerMHIST. Perhaps cf. Arabic ^j^qawiya "to
…
First attested in the New Kingdom
…
been proposed as etyma, and a decision is difficult to make on semantic grounds:
…
• qrr.t "burnt-offering" (since Dynasty 20) > s'1>S?vlA. To be derived from the Semitic
…
• There is a noun gl{ of feminine gender in Demotic whose meaning is given as
…
• qdjn (a measure), a hapax legomenon which might be related both to the Semitic root
110
First attested after the New Kingdom
…
• Sahidic GAA&I and variants (type of pottery), from Aramaic qlby (Westendorf
…
Whereas palatalization of <k> seems to be bound to phonetic conditions, palatalization of
…
distinguished by the absence or presence of the feature [labial]. There is no way of know-
111
it should be interpreted either as a velar no. 3 or a velar no. 7 rather than a velar no. 4.
…
This is a common Egyptian phoneme, and most instances of written <S <g> belong here.
…
Frank Kammerzell discovered that the use of the monoconsonantal sign 6 <g>, which
…
no. 6 is found most frequently - though not always - in the neighborhood of the vowel /u/
112
No certain example of velar no. 6 is known to occur in a loan from Semitic.12"
…
related to gbi "to be weak" (attested since MK) > sGfiBe of which, however, there is
…
These roots seem to be native, at least as far as can be concluded from their early attes-
…
Two more such words are attested from the Middle Kingdom on:
…
• dqr "fruit" > sf6e, b21IAI, quite frequently written dgr I dgl during the New
…
• gsr "ring" (a hapax legomenon) > ^OTrp, ''msO'B'p possibly from the Semitic root
…
MK) > SKNN£, bK6NI. It was borrowed into Greek as ydySav et var. "kind of
113
regularly written with <g>. The word may be an early loan from the Semitic root Vtkl
…
— Velar no. 7 representing Semitic /y/: See e.g. Hoch (1994: nos. 228, 575) and the
…
- Two doubtful representations of Semitic /g/ are: qr~gr "end of a papyrus" from
…
- To this group also belong some Late Egyptian words of uncertain etymology, such as
…
I conclude that the graphical variation g ~ q represents a specialized phoneme used only
114
3.7.8 Summary: the system of velar plosives at four different stages of
…
We can only distinguish three phonemes which neatly correspond to the three graphemes:
…
Favored by the increasing number of Semitic loan words, a new non-labialized phoneme
…
might have a back and/ or emphatic articulation and can tentatively be symbolized as /q/.
…
are rendered by only three different graphemes (or by four if we consider the marginal
…
unclear how graphemes and phonemes relate at that time. All we can say is that on the
…
B. The palatals have conflated with the original palatals <t> and <d> (at least in writing).
115
3.8.1 Summary of diachronic correspondences
…
Twice in the history of Egyptian we can observe palatalizations of velar fricatives: First,
…
Note the following conventional transcription symbols used throughout the text: © <h>,
…
The relationship of <h> and <s>
116
writing. The graphical substitution of <s> by <h> in the Old Kingdom can be explained in
…
originally a back fricative. Kahl (1994: 64^) considers the possibility of linking this
…
Solution 3) seems the most preferable since it can explain the emergence of the
…
The conditions for the palatalization of <s> /x/ are not known. There is perhaps a
117
While the palatalization started in Dynasty 3 and the new sign <h> came into use for
…
(1995: XLvi and 1998a: 37) and Schneider (1997: 192). In the chart in § 3.8.1, I have
…
early renderings in other writing systems. At the time of the New Kingdom, both are
…
In Coptic, <h> is palatalized in some environments and dialects whereas <h> never is. The
118
~ k, sometimes as a for [T]127, but <h> consistently as % ~ k.12® There is not yet a trace of
…
Bodmer VI, around 400AD, see Kasser i960:, xxi; and UJ, this is the letter UJ ///
…
<h> and non-palatalized <h> merge in all varieties of Coptic.
…
number of
…
Conditions for the palatalization of <h> are not known, B3* § 3.9.5.
…
• h'c "to put" > sKC0, bXCO. This is the most certain example.
119
• hb^9 (name of a town in Upper Egypt) > ^j\li\al-Kab , not attested in Coptic.
…
If Edel's (1980: 24f.) identification of the Neo-Babylonian cuneiform transcription qa-ah-
…
Palatal stops such as those represented by <t> and <d> are not usually reconstructed for
…
Proto-Semitic reconstruction (the
…
1st sg. stative
…
especially since the evidence of the suffix -ku (see above) contradicts this. Vycichl
120
3.9.2 Palatalization caused by labials in the Old Kingdom
…
• -kw, normally -tw, dependent pronoun 2nd pers. sg. masc, cf. the related pronominal
…
tions, such as:
…
• w'd "green, yellow", cf. Semitic vwrq "green, yellow" (Akkadian warqu "green,
…
This phenomenon has traditionally been subsumed under the palatalization described in
…
3.9.3 Palatalization of/x/ in the Old Kingdom
…
3.9.4 Late palatalization of velar plosives
…
i3o The Hebrew word shows the well-known Northwest-Semitic change of initial w- into
121
The stops which developed by this palatalization merged with the old palatals <t> and <d>
…
Loan words from Semitic which were adopted with velar stops during the New Kingdom
…
• Greek Kepdtiov "fruit of the carob-tree" > sS&p&T€ (missing in Bohairic)
122
Worrell 1984: 26-3o) do not share Czermak's view but assume that the palatalization of
…
can adduce two possible relics of morphophonological alternations. Together with the
…
this writing is to be taken seriously, we can perhaps conclude that the specific
…
seem plausible that the palatalization was suppressed before a back vowel such as u.
…
i33 According to Vycichls view ka must be by far the most common case since the
123
3.9.5 Late palatalization of a velar fricative
…
Again we have some relics of morphophonological alternation:
…
irregular loss of -r-)
…
3.9.6 Other cases of palatalization
…
For the palatalization of the original liquid <>> > 1)1 Kg" § 3.14.2.1.
…
Around the end of the Old Kingdom, <t> and <d> frequently merged with <t> and <d>, a
124
more frequently than not; palatals were affected almost throughout when they were the
…
sounds each, one of which later merged with the dentals while the other did not:
…
The first assumption was accepted by Sethe (1899-1902: I, §3o6) and still by Czermak
…
typological point of view. Since the pronominal suffix (2. sg. fem.) -*, which is assumed to
…
Osing (1980b: 946f.) gives the following rule which completely avoids involving the
…
This rule seems to cover most of the observable cases, cf. for instance the following
…
for all environments. However, I cannot make a better proposal. The alternative proposal
125
quently written as dentals from the Middle Kingdom on. 2) On the other hand, (original)
…
From the end of the Old Kingdom, the sign =8 <!> is attested in an alternative form with
…
The Egyptian syntagm d(i.t) (> f when in isolation) + sm (> UJ6) "to cause to go"
…
In addition to these regular examples of merger, the sequence T + tt[ is sometimes
…
fusing usages for transcribing them. Some scholars render I] as <s> and ~~ as <s>, others
126
render <\ as <s> and -*°~ as <z> (US' § 2.6.2). I have adopted the latter usage in this book.
…
Due to the early date of their phonetic merger, namely at a time from which no transcrip-
…
to Hebrew D. This is represented in the transcription symbols <s> and <s>.
…
• Callender (1975: 8f.) describes l| as an aspirate and ""~ as a non-aspirate continu-
…
In the Napatan dialect of Egyptian (US' § 2.3.), <s> and <s> frequently interchange in
…
a.»VdA2€ /'ma:ha/, but Napatan rris' ~ msh (on the devoicing c > h US' § 3.6-4.3).
127
I assume that Earlier Egyptian had three liquid phonemes - whose exact phonetic nature
…
3.li.a The liquid character of <i>
…
hard time interpreting it. Based on pure guesswork, it was provisionally assigned the
…
had the value hi in historical Egyptian. When Egyptian transcriptions of Semitic names
128
At present there are basically two opinions on the Pre-Late Egyptian values of <r> and <>>:
…
2) The more recent view holds that both <r> and <>> are liquids:
…
etymologically corresponds to /r/ or HI, he assumes that in some dialects of Egyptian this
…
solution, although this does not imply a judgement about the exact phonetic realization.
…
Earlier <r> corresponds to p hi in most Coptic words, but in quite a number of cases it
…
i36 Vycichl (1990: inf.) assumes that the words exhibiting the development <r> > ?v
129
One rule is apparent, though, namely that <r> is always reflected as Coptic A in a word
…
• iSrw (riV>VrwV) (a kind of grass) (since OK), also written i'nr in Late Egyptian >
…
This is most easily explained as a compatibility restriction (on this topic KIP § 4.11)
…
• dSr.t (d[V]'3VrtV) "fruit of the carob-tree" > sAieipe, bAlipi ~ AIMipi^o, but cf.
…
IrJ (<>>) merged with <j> 1)1 by the New Kingdom (Kg* §3.14.2.1). From this time on, the
…
If IrJ and /l/ are indeed distinct phonemes in Earlier Egyptian, as I suggest above, we
…
occasionally seems to be written as (m.M1
…
similarly by Satzinger (1994a: 197). I have no examples of <r> preceding <l>.
130
The group-writing element <nr> was not taken over into Demotic. Instead a new grapheme
…
2) \ in Fayyumic, p in the other dialects, e.g. sp&N, <AeN "name"; sUJHpe, f«JH\l
…
Although no phonetic conditions have been proposed to date for the development of these
…
• In the archaic Fayyumic Papyrus Hamb. Bil. I the verb for "to be strong" (Egyptian
…
142 See Clarysse & van der Veken (1983: i42f.). The first examples of Demotic <1> are
…
144 This is not true for all Fayyumic texts since some have T6-. The existence of another
…
represented as ?\.
131
I am unable to say whether any Greek liquid could be adopted as liquid no. 2 in the
…
• s-1,AOpT, fy\dAT "beard", attested in the Roman period as mrt once each in hieratic
…
the Semitic root Vhbr "to associate" (Hoch 1994: no. 333)
…
There seem to be several cases in which written <>> of Middle Egyptian corresponds to /l/
…
• h> (exclamation of desire) (since OK) > Late Egyptian Anr148 (the writing <nr>
…
• digy "bat" (since MK); in Coptic this word appears in manifold variants such as
…
146 Vycichl (1983: 84L). The Nubian form is taken from Khalil (1996: 65).
132
• hh "to rage" (NK) > HlJCOpT, bS0pT (verb in stative form), but also > Demotic hyt
…
There are a few words in which older re seems to be represented as / from Demotic onM9,
…
2) I is original in these words and was merely written as <n> in the older periods. Seve-
…
For similar sound changes as a result of sonorant shift 1®° § 3.16.4.
133
I assume the following inventories of labial phonemes for three stages of the language:
…
There are five Egyptian graphemes for labial consonants: <f>, <b>, <p>, <m>, and <w>. For the
…
Systematic considerations have led Rossler (1971: 280) to assume that the sound written
…
Egyptian, <f> does not pattern with <h> (03° §4.11.3) which supports the interpretation of
…
The regular Coptic equivalent of Egyptian <f> is the sound written 4, which is one of the
…
with its interpretation as HI (there was no HI in Proto-Semitic).
…
At the dental, palatal, and velar places of articulation, there were two voiceless stops
134
to develop by Bohairic. First, the stop is written n even before a stressed vowel if a
…
contrast IT /p/ — 4> /ph/ for Bohairic, which would however be of a very marginal
…
While Greek loan words are left unaffected by this development for the most part (cf.
…
We can place this development into a wider context. According to the rules of consonant
135
morpheme. This tendency is greatly expanded by the Coptic restriction to combine n with
…
Coptic dialects if it is the last consonant in a word and does not form part of a cluster in
…
• w'b.w (wa'VbwV) "to be pure" (stative) > "OTdAB /'wa:p7, 'W&B
…
Traces of the sound shift /b/ > /pi can be found in writing from the New Kingdom on (cf.
136
The primary phonetic value of the Coptic letter 6 was [P], a voiced bilabial fricative. In
…
In the modern Late Coptic pronunciation, B is spoken /w/ in the beginning or middle of a
…
6 may have continued to be spoken as /p/ until a comparatively recent time. The Late
…
Vycichl, he recorded the traditional pronunciation of Coptic in the Upper-Egyptian
137
labiodental phoneme /f/ was pronounced as a bilabial [<|>] before the rounded vowel /u/,
…
Within the history of the Egyptian language, consonants were often lost completely.
138
a number of cases, word-final -i shifted to the newly fashioned letter -i (US' §2.6.3),
…
158 1) The 3rd person masculine of the stative conjugation has a suffix Old Egyptian
…
account for the alternation in Middle Egyptian as Kammerzell (1991a: igof.) does.
139
Schenkel (1962: 47-61) found a rule that <w> was usually written <y> from the 1st Interme-
…
both /w/ and /j/ were lost in this position, which led to an undifferentiated writing <y>. The
…
• In a literary text from the Middle Kingdom we find dp.t "boat" (originally
…
• The complex phonogram \J seems to have two sound values <ip> and <wp>.
…
160 Schenkel formulates this rule in the framework of the traditional syllable structure
…
161 Cf. Winand (1991: 377f.) who, however, questions the etymological identity of iw.t
…
162 This word is accidently not attested with written -w- in the Old Kingdom, but note
140
There is a group of words that show a variation <r> ~ <i> ~ 0 in Old Egyptian, most
…
• The Old Egyptian verb di "to control, to subdue" (Allen 1984: 566) is written dh ~
…
that the alternation had been eliminated one way or another. We do not know what the
…
states that the first writings as bnr appear as late as Dynasty 12 (cf. further Vycichl 1990:
141
3.14 Consonant losses by the time of Coptic
…
description indicating which Egyptian consonants were lost by the time of Coptic without
…
in the month name
…
consonants that are found lost in Coptic were already absent in Egyptian at the time of
142
Some scholars assume that the consonants were not lost immediately but rather passed
…
Unless indicated differently, all Egyptian words mentioned in the following sections are
143
• mi (?) "give! (imperative)" > bA01, but in proclitic position s-bA\- (on the proclitic
…
are first attested in the New Kingdom. The explanation seems to be that morphophono-
…
But <j>/<?> can also be lost. This concerns the following cases:
…
The importance of the morphological category suggests that analogical levelling has
144
An exception is ibw "Elephantine (name of a town)" > SIH6 /'jep/. Note also rmy.t "tear"
…
Note with divergence among the Coptic dialects:
…
syllables. On this Kg" § 2.6.3.2. Sethe's solution fails to take into account the fact
…
173 Several examples for the loss of w have been cited, but I do not consider them
…
• i(w)nw "Heliopolis", a-na in cuneiform transcription of the New Kingdom
…
• rwi "to depart" > ^0. The vowel class seems to demand that -w- preceded the
145
3.14-2.3 Intervocalic glide following the stressed vowel
…
mr-jh.w (m[V]'ra-juhwV) "overseer of cattle" > ^XOI?, /a'bjh/
…
However, for <3>/ <j> there are several cases of loss which remain unexplained:1^
…
Each of the adverbs 3 ("V?V) and mini (m[V]iry]'nV3V), both of which are attested from
…
preserved in the modern place name j li Faw, Upper Egypt.
…
This is the reading suggested by comparison to Akhmimic, although the Bohairic
146
3.14-2-4 Cluster of glides following the stressed vowel
…
177 Osing (1976a: a8-3o) assumes that the development is conditioned by the quality of
…
178 It should be noted that the frequent development of ->w and -jw > -(O)'if is hard to
147
• tiw ('tuiwV) "to be taken" (stative) > s£Htf /'cew/, bSHOtr
…
If <>> is the first consonant, it can be preserved or lost in Coptic, as is true for word-final
…
• ziw (zaiwV) "beam of wood" (since Middle Kingdom) (?> za'V) > s.bCOI /'sdj/
…
It can be noted that in several of these cases the type of the stressed vowel contradicts
…
181 There is a transcription of a New Kingdom Egyptian proper name into Akkadian
…
lb, 93). If this be true, then we have an early cuneiform transcription of the infinitive
148
• g'w ('ga3wV), the infinitive of the verb "to be narrow", develops into 'KSGOOTT /'kiow/,
…
• rwil8S "to depart" > s\0 /'h/. It is unclear whether stress was originally on the first
…
The following example is similar, but /j/ is lost in Sahidic:
…
3.14.2.5 Preconsonantal glide following the stressed vowel
…
i83 See Osing (1976a: note 602 on p. 6o8f.) and Vycichl (1983: 73). For the divergent
149
tine (southern Egypt) as NCOJffi <snt?> (Couroyer 1954: 559) and also seems to have
…
• hw.t ('hiwtV) "to strike" > s2,fOtfe, bglCffl (probably influenced by other verbal
…
into an atonic syllable: itrw-" "big river" > sGI€pO /pro/, bf&pO "Nile", a compound of
…
<w> can be preserved or lost in pretonic position. The conditions are not clear. Sometimes
…
186 Until the New Kingdom, this verb is never written with a monoconsonantal sign <w>
150
3.±4.n.-j Glide at a distance from the stressed vowel: posttonic
…
If a glide is in posttonic position and has no contact with the stressed vowel, then the syl-
…
Late Egyptian had a suffix pronoun -mi for the 3rd person plural. According to the regular
…
However the suffix pronoun -w was preserved in unstressed position by analogy (spiNO'if
…
• iri.i > iri.w CjarVjjV) "(he) is done (3rd pers. sg. masc. stative)" > Hi I'ol, hk>\ /'oj/,
…
word was borrowed into Egyptian Arabic as L_/ 'birba (probably from Sahidic ne-pne
151
has likewise been borrowed into Old Nubian as &.pjl&e- ~ &pcj>&e- "temple".l89
…
• tbw.t ('tabVwtV) "sandals" > s.aT00tfe /'tD:we/, be(l)0?TI (with irregular loss of <b>,
…
• tzi.i > Izi.w (<w> is only graphical, D®° §3.i3.2) "to be exalted (stative)" > 'A6X1
…
As is true for <j> / <3> in contact with the stressed vowel, the glide may be missing without
…
• ss>w "Antilope" > s'bUJOUI /'JoJV (borrowed as sttsu into Neo-Assyrian)
…
3.14.3.1 <t> I <r> preceding the stressed vowel
152
All cases discussed in this section concern t or r following the stressed vowel. It is
…
<t> / <r> were lost in intervocalic position. This applies regardless to whether they are the
…
<t> / <r> were preserved as the first component of a consonant cluster:
…
191 For attestations see Caminos (1954: i36) and Westendorf (1981). The word seems to
153
They were lost, however, as the second component of a cluster:
…
A possible explanation for this loss would be that at a certain stage of the language
…
The same is also true for <r> in most words:
…
• r (r[V]-, proclitic) "to, from, than" > s>b€- hi- (some scholars assume that the prepo-
…
Conditioned phonetic developments as described in the preceding sections could lead to
154
wmt.w ('wamVtwV) (stative of the same verb) > KWO.A^fljT /'wDmt/, bO?T0AT
…
hpr.w ('hapVrwV) (stative of the same verb) * sUJOOFI /'J"3:p/, bUJOn
…
to be retained regularly, and thus analogy favored the preservation of -t in the base form
…
Similarly, the verb rht "to wash, to mill textiles" (since MK) split into two verbs spCu°,e
…
developments should have produced a verb * sp(l)°,£ (stative sp&.°,T).
…
or analogical levelling as in:
…
192 On the development of mwt see Till (1987: i33f.) and Vycichl (1957b: nf.).
155
3.1^.3.6 Possible cases of an irregular preservation of <t>
…
There is evidence for this phenomenon from later periods only in the names of two god-
…
/ah'rok/ with regular preservation of -r-.
156
Many verbal tense formations of Coptic are etymologically derived from a combination
…
There are rare, uncertain cases in which <r> may have been replaced by /j/ instead of
…
As a rule, <d> and <cj> are not lost:
…
The only exception to this rule is the very common verb dd ('dadV) "to say" > s>bAu) /'co/
157
rather they must simply be regarded as irregular verbs. It is interesting to see that the
…
• The status pronominalis of mi "to pass" (> Hime, bCfrll) is sC&dO'-~CNT-, bC£N-
…
Certain Egyptian writings1^ suggest that the loss of -n could already have taken place by
158
especially in Late Egyptian, and sometimes already in the Middle Kingdom. 199 This
…
• The word nnsm "spleen" > sNO€I0J /'naif/, bMu)IUJ shows loss of both re and m.
…
There are several examples of a loss of h under other conditions. The basic rule seems to
…
• sdJ?(i>, a<M)ff, *>OT02 "and", a derivation from the verb wih "to put; to add"
159
3.±4-8 Development of compounds
…
• nb.t-hw.t "Nephthys (divine name)" > is attested as v£<|>9ik; in Greek transcription
…
• nfr-hr "with beautiful face (male proper name)" is attested as ve<j>epco<; in Greek
…
• hw.t-hrw "Hathor (divine name)" > ^d^etflp, b&e(!)p (name of the 3rd month of the
…
• pr-b'st.t "house of Bastet (goddess)", a place name > 'TiO'ff'BdXf
…
• pr-" "great house" > sn-ppO, bjI-0,S'pO "Pharaoh, the king" (JT reinterpreted as
…
archaizing book-pronunciation (mot savant). This is difficult to accept since the definite
…
According to Fecht, one of these forms lost -r, while another (prj?, prw?) retained it.
160
In Semitic languages such as Arabic, Biblical Hebrew, and Ga'az, long consonants
…
able in the Egyptian script (cf. e.g. Vvcichl 1983: x, xxvii). Some scholars have tried to
…
Original sequences of two identical consonants were frequently simplified:
…
Long consonants from Semitic loan words have usually been simplified as well (1®* ap-
…
• sn-nCflUJ /'ppoj/ "the division"
161
3.i6 Assimilation and dissimilation of consonants
…
consonants were in direct contact within a certain verbal or nominal form, they could
…
Original re develops into m in direct contact before labials. The assimilation seems to be
…
As a result, the sequences NIT and NA are uncommon in Coptic unless a morpheme
…
This assimilation is not regular across a morpheme boundary. However the final -N of
…
• the definite plural article SN-
…
205 The topic has not yet been researched in detail. Cf. the remarks by Ernstedt (1986:
162
Intervening % does not necessarily block the assimilation, cf. aA-2A6 (for *N-9>\e) "in
…
The Egyptian preposition m "in" (in the status nominalis) seems to be a counterexample.
…
prepositions often preceded the masculine definite article p> (II in Coptic). When both
…
There are several fossilized proper names in which the preposition m was preserved as
…
• imn-m-h'.t "Amun (god) is in front", rendered as a\i\i£ve\a\(c) in Greek (Osing 1976a:
…
• mntw-m-h'.t "Month (god) is in front", rendered as uovronn(i;) in Greek (Loddeckens
163
• hr-m-hb "Horus (god) is in the feast", rendered as apua(i<;) in Greek (Luddeckens &
…
• h'i-m-wh.t "who has risen in Thebes", rendered as ha-a-ma-as-si ~ ha-a-mas-si in
…
In some words, the sequence /nw/ conflated into /m/. Such cases have been collected by
…
• rnn-wt.t (r[V]n[V]n-'wattV) (name of a goddess) > Greek transcription epuovrii;,
…
Ancient Greek as Kmvroy "gnat, mosquito" (<*'k3n3ms), cf. Pierce (1971: 104).
…
The following observations can be made:
…
210 Also written without o>. But <>> must be part of the phonological structure of the
164
Kingdom. We conclude that the sound change took place approximately at the time
…
"pelican". The semantic similarity seems striking. However the change nw > m
…
direct contact (according to my syllable structure rules). If the etymology is valid, I
…
Sethe (1899/1902: I, §228) suggests a graphical explanation for the phenomenon. He
…
2i3 In discussing the development of hfnw, Lacau (1970a: 53f.) feels that n and w ought
165
to be considered polyphonic (/*»»» , O , 4"r )• 2) As I have shown, m only develops in a
…
A sonorant is not infrequently shifted when there is another sonorant in the same word.
…
Exact rules are hard to provide. The developments sometimes go in opposite directions,
…
3.16.4.2 n > r in the neighborhood ofm
…
• inhmn (a fruit) >(?) ^pA&N /hr'man/, b(2)epA&N "pomegranate". The words for
166
divine name attested from the OK on.
…
3.16.4.3 r > nin the neighborhood ofm
…
• hnk.t "braided lock of hair", cf. "J^CDM /'hoik/ "to plait"
…
Note that <n> can also be a rendering of HI, at least in Later Egyptian (I®" § 3.11.7).
…
214 This preposition is discussed by Edel (1967: 67-73). In Dynasty 18 only the extended
167
3. 16.4.7 P > min the neighborhood ofn
…
3.16.4.8 n > 11 r in the neighborhood of p
…
bnd (kind of garment) > sfi&AOT /pa'bt/ (Osing 1976a: note 83i on p. 7i3, Wilson
…
3.16.4.9 r > n in the neighborhood ofr
…
215 It is disputed whether the second element should be read nm or nm' in Egyptian (cf.
168
Different varieties of Egyptian occasionally show different sonorant shifts in the same
…
• hnm.t "well (of water)" > ^OMBe /'honpa/, but ^WAC /'halma/
…
assimilation to another palatal in the word. The phenomenon is discussed in detail by
…
5 usually becomes UJ if there is another UJ (< 3) somewhere in the same word:
…
• ss>w "antelope" > s'bUJOH( /'Jd!/ (borrowed as stlsu into Neo-Assyrian)
…
If an original palatal stop (i.e. S / A < d 11) follows somewhere in the same word, 5 is
…
217 It is not clear whether zssn is an early form of zsn or whether it is another word.
169
• gsr "ring" > s10Vp ~ SCOWp, bU(©CWp (with metathesis) (for the etymology see
…
In words of this type, palatal assimilation can be observed even earlier (cf. e.g.
…
• psd "9" renders Tj/IT /'psit/ in Bohairic as expected, whereas Akhmimic and mostly
…
• kls.'i "Nubian" develops into €6(l)lJJ /a'kioJV as expected in Sahidic, whereas
170
have undergone a dissimilatory loss due to the presence of another labial in the
…
For a possible assimilation of t and r to directly preceding consonants which may have
…
In Sahidic, the sequence /mt/ is usually written JKiiJ if T is syllable-final. N is clearly
…
Vergote (1945: io3) however suggests that in the sequence /mt/ the dental stop was
…
the masc. IUXMVNT)
…
in Bohairic. I do not discuss the other dialects here. Cf.:218
171
The epenthetic labial stop is written as follows:
…
(before voiced sonorants) or voiceless (in the other cases) stop could be spoken in these
…
• b.ftdJ-NlBeN ~ (rarely:) .A\&-rUBeN, but SA&-NIA "everywhere", composed of s-b^\d.
…
actually most of the examples):
…
The phonetic interpretation of this phenomenon is doubtful. The writing may indicate that
…
writing. In Old French, <i> is frequently added to the right and/ or to the left of a palatal
172
tal rule of modern Irish orthography that no vowel sign but e or i can be written in contact
…
It seems that either an additional subphonemic vowel was spoken at the end of such
…
This -1/ -Cif-epenthesis has a superficial similarity to the epenthesis of -G after word-
…
preceding front vowels. A subphonemic palatalization of consonants before front vowels
Syllable structure and phonotactis
175
As was recognized early, Coptic stressed vowels (on unstressed vowels D3? § 5.8) can be
…
High and low vowels of the same place of articulation are frequently found in
…
Examples of l-A-alternation
…
The H-6-class is less well established, Kg' § 5.5.5.
…
These morphological alternations, comparable to the phenomenon of apophony in Indo-
176
vowel on the one hand and the number of consonants which followed this vowel at an
…
to two important conclusions: 1) glides are actually consonants, the graphemes in ques-
177
agreed upon. More than one such set of rules would theoretically be possible. However,
…
4) There were no shifts of stress during the history of the language, at least from the
…
all unstressed syllables were closed (Sethe 1899-1902: § 16) which increased the
…
4-3.2 Classical formulations of the syllable structure rules
178
In the formulation by Steindorff (1894), the basic principle, namely that the type of the
…
Sethe (1899-1902,1: XV) states the following, quite similar formulation:
…
"If the main-stressed vowel of any Sahidic word derived from a simple (not
179
a) If the stressed vowel is long in S, it will be followed by exactly two
…
4.4 The historic reality of the reconstructed Pre-Coptic stage,
…
Coptic apophony can be reduced to a predictable phenomenon as soon as a stage of the
…
222 Albright (1946a: 24^) notices that Egyptian as known from the New Kingdom
180
Schenkel (1983a: XII) defines "Urkoptisch" as follows:
…
4.5 The supposed prehistory of Paleo-Coptic
…
Many scholars assume that there was a period prior to the Paleo-Coptic stage at which
…
223 The identification of the Egyptian stative conjugation with the Semitic perfective
…
vowel between the second and the third consonants in all presumable Semitic corre-
…
This vowel is obviously lacking in the Paleo-Coptic reconstruction. If Egyptian and
181
The most detailed reconstruction of a Pre-Paleo-Coptic stage of Egyptian is by Fecht
…
It would be possible to consider both representations as merely alternative reconstruc-
…
Many more languages easily allow both vowels and consonants at the end of a word (e.g.
182
cf. also Dixon 1980: 208). Old Chinese as reconstructed according to the system by LT
…
likewise excentric: Languages in which all syllables invariably have the structure CV
…
traditional Paleo-Coptic reconstruction can be unambiguously transformed into the
183
The alternative reconstruction leads to different formulations of numerous synchronic
…
already for Paleo-Coptic but must rather assume a strictly limited set of syllable types
…
We can see that the evidence is ambiguous. I suggest that intrusive G's in Coptic are not
184
4.8.2 The noun r "mouth"
…
225 This writing is frequent from the NK on. In the Middle Kingdom, a god <zti> is men-
185
/'sut(h)V/, whereas others remained /'sut(h)xV/ which then evoked the writing with h.
…
see" but have already lost the -t- (Wilson 1997: 38o; see also the evidence cited by
186
reconstruction ('iaptV) than with the traditional ('ia:pVt). Several more examples of this
…
4.8.6 Single words not matching the syllable structure rules
…
A complete rejection of the syllable structure rules (Sturm) is unacceptable since this
…
The other approaches are not much better. As argued in § 4.8.1, a free use of additional
…
Most words which are left unexplained within the traditional system will likewise be
187
Both reconstructions of Paleo-Coptic are comparatively straightforward and explain most
…
Sethe (1899-1902: I, § 34 and 1928: 196) cites cases where he assumes that the presence
…
which according to Sethe is to be reconstructed as ('daidVi) whereas the Coptic form has
…
these words in Coptic, it is not evident whether the stressed vowel originally preceded or
…
227 The question is relevant here as to whether an initial pretonic (d[V]J-) would
188
However there are other difficult words involving <>> which do present difficulties for the
…
4.9.1 The development of consonant clusters from Egyptian to Sahidic
…
cuneiform transcriptions indicating that there were word-initial clusters of two
…
It is not easy to establish a complete inventory of possible syllable types even for Coptic.
189
4.9.2.1 Morpheme-initial two-consonantal clusters composed of obstruents
…
I have observed the following restrictions:
…
Sonorants (6 /|V, A /m/, N In/, X /l/, p /r/, [€]! /}/, [O]^ /w/) are frequent in the second
…
Sonorants are also frequent in the first position before an obstruent, but there is a good
…
It is likewise difficult to estimate in which way initial clusters of two sonorants were
…
white", sOTAOT "to become fat", sO'S"NO'B" "hour". The other sonorants occur mainly as
…
Coptic has many causative verbs beginning with T-. Although this formation is no longer
190
These cases are not therefore likely to be good examples of morpheme-initial consonant
…
4.9.3.4 Morpheme-final two-consonantal clusters composed of obstruents
…
I have observed the following restrictions:
…
• Two fricatives can only be combined in the order % /h/ - UJ /// - C /s/ - 4 HI, i.e. the
…
sfhw "seven" > KAUJM /'sajf/ (instead of *C^qtt|), "C&gq /'saxf/ (instead of *C^g),
191
be early", ^tflBC /'hops/ "to cover", ^OAS /'home/ "sour (stative)", ^(OOTTS /'kiowkJ/ "to
…
All sonorants apart from £1 1)1 and "K HI can appear in the second position. After an
…
Clusters of three consonants do not seem to be permitted at the end of a morpheme. There
…
The possibilities for consonant clusters are much more extended at a word boundary than
…
are elided from the first component which frequently creates word-initial clusters of
…
Similarly, final clusters can increase when consonantal suffixes are added. The pronomi-
192
Magnus (1969: 20T.) states that the sequences -CC, -CCC, and -CCV are allowed at the
…
If <>> is the second consonant in an Egyptian word and precedes the stressed vowel, the
…
2) <>> retained as /j/, no epenthetic vowel
…
The Coptic dialects occasionally show divergent developments. For instance, the equiva-
…
Vergote (1959: i6f.; cf. also 1973/83: lb, § 28c) suggests that £- only appears if the vowel
…
SKI66 exists as well)
193
in the development of numerous Egyptian words, but being irregular sound changes, they
…
I wish to add another rule which only explains a small proportion of all metatheses but
…
229 'CaCVCCV is a common formation of causative verbs in Egyptian.
194
combining all available consonants, we will find that not all of these roots are actually
…
closer examination reveals that there are certain general restrictions on the formation of
…
There has been comparatively little research on root incompatibilities in Egyptian. The
…
• Czermak (1931/34: 27-30) remarks that no two different consonants of the labial
…
discovers that <S is incompatible with the dentals <t>, <d>, and <z> and becomes
195
• RoftUET (1973b) provides a somewhat more detailed account of root incompatibili-
…
root) respectively. He also makes a distinction based on the relative order of the two
…
Together with Frank Kammerzell, I have reexamined the issue in more detail. In the
…
lexical root or in a few rare or doubtful words. The decision as to whether or not a compa-
196
• Words in the Coffin Texts index other than those of three characters' length were
…
"strong restriction". However a closer examination of the attestations reveals that w
197
sometimes made in drawing the borderline between a significant and an accidental
…
frequency. Last but not least, our corpus was different from his. The most salient
…
out of consideration (cf. Roquet 1973: 112).
…
Since two consonants that share the same place of articulation do not normally co-occur
…
There are also several Egyptian triconsonantal roots in which the first and the third
…
It can be remarked that the second consonant in words of the type ABA is preferably a
…
231 There is a common root s'h "dignity" which is well attested from the Old Kingdom
Vowels
199
5.1 Sources of information about Egyptian vowels
…
Egyptian had none of these means of vowel notation. Most modern egyptologists would
…
and /e:/ = [e:] are distinguished as e and n respectively, but /i/ [i] and /i:/ [i:] are
200
the possibility of so-called "plene-writing" which is traditionally assumed to have
…
etc.). Their employment is called plene-writing. There are two different functions of
…
times because other signs are developed for expressing glides, however the sign <a>
…
function 1) and in function 2) to co-occur. On the graphical surface, Akkadian words
…
particle), with occasional sa-a in the Middle Assyrian Law Code, d) plene-writing is
…
these, as he puts it, "abnormal plene-writings".
201
5.2 The interpretation of the Coptic vowel graphemes
…
In addition, there is a set of long vowels which are written by doubling the vowel
…
The difference between £ and 0 on the one hand and H and ft) on the other is traditionally
…
Aro (1953: 18 and 1971: 250) considers the possibility that at least the "abnormal
202
The Coptic vowels CO and H were higher in articulation than 0 and 6. This is based on
…
etymological point of view (ISP § 5.6.6.2). It is difficult to understand why vowels
…
correlation between short and long vowels of Arabic and the presumed short and long
…
transcribe Arabic HI and /i:/ alike, whereas 6 renders Arabic /a/ as well as /a:/.
203
• The recently discovered Mesokemic dialect of Coptic writes 0 in most words which
…
$.2.2.3 Previous treatments of the issue
…
in Paris from which only a short abstract was published (Kuentz 1984). The only ar-
…
tity. It is not known whether or not he was aware of Kuentz's proposal. Vycichl ad-
…
standpoint: "In the Bohairic dialect the distinction between long and short vowels
…
• Greenberg (1962) cites Kuentz' theory and discusses the issue in more detail. He
…
1901 and Sobhy 1926; two Coptic texts containing a large number of Arabic loan
…
vowel quantity is not identical to the corresponding Greek vowel quantity at least in
204
did not take into account (e.g. Farag 1976, Crum 1902); on the other hand, there is
…
he adopts their interpretation of O as hi and of CO as /o/, he does not view the opposi-
205
considerably low at least in the earlier stages of Greek since it frequently developed
…
some Egyptian Arabic dialects (including that of Cairo) have /e:/ and /o:/, which are
…
Coptic vowel signs can occur in geminate writing. In the Sahidic dialect, we encounter
…
Some (especially earlier) scholars might have interpreted Coptic double vowels as
206
sche Eindruck dieses fliichtigen, tieftonigen Vokales [i.e. of the second
…
In any case, it is evident from the Coptic stress rules (Kg* § 6.1.2) that sequences such as
…
Since double vowels develop historically through the loss of certain consonants, among
…
• The word itrw "Nile" > sfilOOp is transcribed as IK' in the Hebrew Old Testament.
…
final double vowels are treated like morphemes with final consonants, as opposed to
…
• Magnus (1969: 28f.) states that Sahidic allows the combinations -CC, -CCC, and
207
no synchronic restriction against the sequence double vowel + CCV, even if it was
…
something principally different from a mere sequence of two identical vowels. In his
…
found in specific combinations only. Phonetic liaison as assumed by Ernstedt was
208
Second, even if this kind of liaison had existed, it is clear that all presumed cases of
…
5.2.3. a Double vowels as indicators of vowel length
…
This is probably based on mere guessing, and he does not discuss the pertinent views of
…
primarily on the Bohairic dialect where double vowels are not used.
209
Coptic (US* §5-3.3). This agrees with the fact that many languages have fewer
…
I wish to adduce two more arguments to support the interpretation of double vowels as
…
glottal stop. In the early cuneiform transcriptions of Egyptian, we would expect this
…
• No Coptic word has more than one double vowel. In the traditional view there is no
…
the fact that the numerous Greek loan words in Coptic are practically never written with
210
• Kasser (1982b, looid, and 1991k 208) assumes two coexisting layers of phonologi-
…
of vowel + /?/ in one phonological representation, but to long vowels in another.
…
Vowel doubling as known from Sahidic is also found in Akhmimic, Lycopolitan, and in
211
The phonology of Coptic stressed vowels
…
According the analysis which I prefer, most Coptic dialects have six phonemes for short
…
Minimal pairs can easily be found for most of these vowel oppositions (cf. the collections
212
If however the Coptic "dialects" are regarded as mere different writing conventions (on
…
In this case, what I explained as interdialectal loans would have to be explained in a
…
hi is principally absent in the conservative dialects, as is hi from the progressive
…
• In unstressed position, £ can be a writing of hi and contrast with & in all dialects.
…
remove it" < sh'.t-f. Examples of 6 before 2 are not numerous because <h> was one
…
Coptic pronunciation, so the occurrence of 6 vs. & would be predictable.
…
• In late Sahidic, and generally in Bohairic, € appears as a secondary development
213
If the opposition between 6°, and &2 is taken seriously and € and & are analyzed as
…
The distribution of (0 hi and OV /u/ is largely, but not completely, predictable by the
…
also possible to analyze [o] and [u] as allophones of a single phoneme, which would
…
As was argued in § 5.2.3, long vowels are written by doubling the vowel letter in Coptic.
…
Altogether, long vowels appear much more rarely than short vowels. I estimate the ratio
…
(where vowel quantity is not distinctive), and syllabic sonorants are excluded from the
214
Note the following important occurrence restrictions:
…
the other dialects have (1X0 only, cf. sfiuXDN, "fiOTSWNe "evil".242
…
equivalent among the short vowels. The interdialectal correspondences are complex
…
Cf. the Akhmimic equivalents:
…
sOTTOOB, *OV\dM "to be clean (stative)"
…
242 0TO7T in SA0W5T "to kill" and SN0TIW2 "to turn" is to be interpreted as /uw/, as is
215
The quantity opposition is neutralized in word-final position. Vowels in this position are
…
• Word-final stressed vowels are written with single letters as are short vowels.244
…
Consider the following minimal pairs from Sahidic:
216
these phonetically short vowels can be interpreted as underlyingly long since they are
…
5.3.5 The vowel system of Mesokemic
…
5.3.6 The vowel system of Bohairic
…
nacular Arabic distinguish short and long vowels. Thus I assume that the vowel quantity
…
orthographic final vowels have a word-final glottal stop on the phonological level.
217
Differently from Mesokemic, Bohairic shows no indication that the quantitative distinc-
…
Cf. the following near-minimal pairs:
…
The Sahidic equivalents are UJfpe - UJHpe - Ujeepe - UJd^p - COp - CCOp - COffpe.
…
In the consonantal script systems of Hebrew and Arabic, some consonantal signs,
218
In the New Kingdom specialized graphemes are used for representing words of foreign,
…
In order to represent a single consonant phonographically in the New Kingdom there
…
were created even for consonants that were never lost in pronunciation. This led to the
219
These two subsets of phonograms involve a rather clear functional difference. While
…
Certain graphemes are prototypical of group writing, i.e. their use is largely
…
words, i.e. they can freely co-occur with group writing graphemes as well as with
…
1) There is no functional difference: the graphs are allographs expressing a single
…
unknown to the traditional writing system, e.g. for expressing certain foreign sounds
…
bl e s rather than single consonants, which led to the alternative labelling "syllabic
220
The identification of possible vocalic values for group writing signs is hampered by
…
most groups were ambiguous as to vowel indication (e.g. Erman 1933: §§32-38;
…
word-final position. The only other groups which Edel considers unambiguous vowel
…
• Helck is a prominent modern proponent of a clearly syllabic nature of group writing,
221
fies as a-indicators (Helck 1989: 129). The position of the stressed vowel is, how-
…
Furthermore, <j> and <w> are used as matres lectionis, but with double function:
222
their transcriptions. For example, Hoch (1994: 304) transcribes the group writing
…
which developed from the Late Egyptian group writing grapheme P§ <t(i)>. This is a
…
As was shown in § 4.1, Coptic morphophonological alternations permit a synchronically
…
It was said above that the occurrence of high vs. low vowels is predictable from Paleo-
223
I will call these 6 vowels ahigh, aiow» 'high> 'low* tthigh> and "low in the following sections.
…
of the opposition high vs. low which I favor.
…
Coptic, most vowels proceeded one or two steps along the following \ /
…
Similar chain-shifts are known to have taken place in other languages of the area roughly
…
The most important sound developments of the Egyptian vowels are as follows:
…
cuneiform documents of
…
250 While most scholars agree that j'iow was still preserved as He in the New Kingdom,
224
The following lexical items may serve to illustrate these sound developments:1^1
…
Borger (1996: 21); this is the Egyptian proper name byk-n-rn-f, rendered as
…
Edel (1975: 15). -u is probably to be regarded as the nominative case suffix of
…
It is possible that the stressed vowel in this word was u\ow rather than ijow.
…
Neo-Babylonian, from Zadok (1983: 73). For further early attestations of iiow as a see
…
as a determinative before divine names. This writing is attested in no less than three
225
(wa-as)-mu-a-
…
k> (part of the
…
ni msh.w "the
…
N6-AC002 "the
…
(stative)"
…
strong (stative)"
…
during the New Kingdom and are still preserved in Coptic. It can easily be seen by the
…
265 Lambdin (1953b: 366). The sign IH is indetermined as to the vowel and can be read
…
266 Albright (1946a: 12). ha-a-ra bears full stress as is evidenced by the preservation of
…
272 Albright (1946a: a3); probably the same individual is attested as wa-as-mu-a-re-a-
226
Certain Egyptian borrowings into Meroitic and Nubian still show vowels as we
…
The divine name imn "Amun" is one of the testimonies of the shift ahigh > GJ- This name
…
Similar archaisms can still be found in modern Nubian. For example, the noun nbw
…
335f.). It appears that these words were borrowed into a forerunner of Nubian no later than
…
276 Diodorus Siculus, BiBXio9riKii 3.6.3, see Eide et al. (1996: 643). On the identifica-
227
The traditional view holds that uiow develops into s£ (Albright 1928: 68; Calice
…
adduces the assumption that Proto-Afroasiatic u sometimes seems to have had a
228
I conclude that the evidence currently available is not sufficient to make a clear
…
5.5.6.1 Previous treatments of the issue
…
Older sources about Late Coptic show that [a] and [i] as realizations of H did not occur in
…
(1902: 297), [a] was used in native words and [i] in borrowings from Greek. As can easily be
…
vowel 10:1 which resulted in Late Coptic /a:/. If this were true, the Late Coptic pronuncia-
229
As was already remarked by Lambdin (1958: 180), the recordings in the lists
…
I am now of the opinion that Worrell's and Vycichl's theory is unconvincing. Appendix 7
…
THp<f [darf], ?,Hn [hab], <5\H [fla]. It should be noted that all of these are native
…
as [na:wi] (Worrell & Vycichl 1942: 3i6), is a verb of the 'CiCtV-class.
230
AOrlOCeNHC with [i]; 6TTXH, KDCHcj), TlrffXH with [a]. The native Coptic month name
…
• There seem to exist two principles determining the pronunciation of H in non-final
…
pronounced [a] if there is a spoken [i] in the following syllable, and [i] if there is
…
Where both principles conflict, the pronunciation can vary. For example, £KrAHCI&.
…
The development of H in loans and place names in modern Arabic more or less agrees
…
middle Egypt; the suffix -u:na is of unclear origin)
231
On the development of the high vowels
…
as follows:
…
Among these, only the development %igh > H is already evident in cuneiform transcrip-
…
The development is inconsistent before liquids (K5" § 5.6.4.1). Aside from these special
…
based on a contraction of u\ow + w. But the presence of this presumed w is not easy to
…
• Demotic gbyr "left" > ^BOTfp, teBOTTp, "SBip (on the Akhmimic form US" § 5.6.4.2)
…
282 Cf. infinitives such as ir.t "to do" > s£ipe, bipi and pr.t "to come forth" > sneipe,
232
under the same conditions under which ahigh develops into O'S". But it seems that
…
expressed within the framework of the traditional interpretation of the Coptic vowel
…
(in my view: became high) they became distinct in quality from the original long vowels.
…
type in the tradi-
…
It is not quite clear how Vycichl combines this theory with the conditioned sound shifts,
…
283 Cf. the word n'.t "Thebes", attested as nu-[...] in cuneiform transcription of the New
233
There are several Coptic words with diphthongs where the semivoealic element seems to
…
None of these words is attested in an early cuneiform transcription. In principle there are
…
Occasionally it is argued that the glide was not actually present in the older language. In
…
285 Probably the assumption of Vycichl (1959a: 53 [<\l, <VB", and 01] and 1990: 86, 96f.,
234
which proves that dd expresses a sequence of two phonetic segments, namely the vowel
…
It is sometimes assumed that the combination low vowel + glide could be contracted into
…
This question is in principle difficult to resolve since the proposed scenario is only
…
low vowel, i.e. it is assumed to have been followed by an odd number of consonants.
…
Paleo-Coptic, the product of internal reconstruction out of the Coptic dialects, has no
235
Egyptian closer to the Semitic languages (B®° §§ 5.5.7, 6.1.7), but there is no justification
…
marked by doubling the vowel letter (US' § 5-2.3).
…
consideration. To take an example, ^OOfT "bad" must be /'haw/ because the Akhmimic
…
We have no attestations of a vowel quantity opposition from Pre-Coptic times. Since long
…
The loss of a consonant can lead to the compensatory lenghthening of a preceding
…
292 In the traditional view which interprets Coptic double vowels as indicators of a
…
was not necessarily caused directly by the loss of a consonant, but rather that the
236
If a consonant is lost as the first component of a posttonic cluster, the stressed vowel may
…
The retention of -r- in pdApe also presupposes a form (*'rijVrtV) (US' § 3.14-3.3).
…
• thi.w ('tahViwV) "to be drunk (stative)" > sT&2_e /'tahg/
…
If <c> follows anywhere in the word after the stressed vowel, the stressed vowel is
…
metathesis which brought <c> closer to the stressed vowel. Perhaps this assumption is not
…
• sif.w ('sajVfwV) stative of the same verb = HlOOq /'sD:f/
…
From such cases, vowel length was extended to plural forms of other nouns such as:
237
5.6 Development of stressed vowels in specific environments
…
However, word-final -&. occurs in Sahidic as well. Its etymology is not quite clear (cf. e.g.
…
There is a tendency for vowels to be lowered before certain back spirants. The following
…
* "high before h becomes € (instead of H) in Bohairic and mostly also in Sahidic
238
one of the consonants ', h, h, or h followed in Egyptian (Osing 1976a: 11). With following
…
ternations. For example, adjective verbs of the type CCOC normally form a stative CoCC:
…
• sm'.w "to be fine (stative)" > sUJOOAC /'Jxma/, bujOA
…
There are indications that a late form of Egyptian had subphonemic nasalization of
239
The effects of this nasalization are still synchronically evident in Coptic. E.g., verbs
…
This might indicate that not all <>>'s were lost at the same time.
…
While both above-mentioned developments affect all Coptic dialects, we find effects of
…
substantial. But note the word for "liver" which is attested as AdkCiTCC, AifJiVCi, and
…
All these effects even take place if 2 intervenes between the nasal and the vowel.299 I
…
296 For the nasalization of /a/ see Vycichl (1984), for the nasalization of /i/ see Peust
…
299 First recognized by Till (1928: 23). This explanation of OV in Coptic was accepted
240
There are a few exceptions to the developments described above. They concern forms in
…
The plural form of the possessive pronoun varies in different dialects: It has analogical
…
The change CD > CS" is suppressed in Bohairic if Off /w/ follows:
…
• sr (sjr?) "magistrate" (since OK), cuneiform transcription of the New Kingdom:
…
3oo The plural forms of the possessive pronoun are discussed in detail by Funk (1987:
241
Possible Semitic loan words first attested in the New Kingdom:
…
Words of unclear etymology first attested in the New Kingdom:
…
The normal development of uygh is H. A vowel H that can only be derived from Uhigh in
…
• irp "wine" (since OK) > s-bHprt /'erp/, borrowed as Opn into Old Nubian
…
• hpr.t, a nominal derivation of hpr "to become" (since OK) > sU|nHp£ /'Jpera/,
…
from Semitic. I consider Egyptian sr.t a borrowing from a form related to the Hebrew
242
• tejr "Osiris (god)" (since OK) > Old Coptic CiTCipe, borrowed as asuri into
…
/'Peni/ (Sahidic only BHN6 /'Peng/). H in BHN6/I can only derive from uhigh- The
…
• Demotic gbyr "left" > ^BOfrp /'hpur/, fefiOffp /'kipur/, a6Bip /'kipir/. The interdialec-
…
As far as the development of ahigh is concerned, it appears that it can develop into either
…
Although some problems remain, I suggest that the divergent developments of ahigh and
…
velarized in the word ?alla:h 4III "God" which Faber plausibly explains as a phonetic
243
the neighborhood of the so-called emphatic consonants, but frequently also in the
…
might have had a somewhat palatal articulation. This assumption can be supported by the
…
Compare also the possible existence of velarized and palatalized allophones of sonorants
…
which leads to the formation of syllabic sonorants. This is discussed in detail in § 5.10.
…
There is a tendency for vowel quality to change before glides. With the exeption of the
…
In all Coptic dialects, high vowels show a specific development before -11)1, which is the
…
3o5 For the etymology see Osing (1976a: note 602 on p. 6o8f.) and Vycichl (1983: 73).
244
COI is preserved in Bohairic 1) if -I is vocalic instead of consonantal (lc.t "to wash" >
…
The central low vowel & seems to shift to a front or back high vowel depending
…
If the glide is followed by a vowel (so that it forms the onset of the following syllable),
…
te-hr-kl (name of a feast, later of a month) > SK0I&2K /'kojahk/, bXOIdvK /'kh3Jak/
…
Diphthongs with low vowels are therefore retained in borrowings from Greek, as well as
…
307 Another possibility would be to assume that the central low vowel shifts to a central
245
The nominal plural suffix s-00?re, b-(0O'S"l is irregular. I assume that its form has been
…
K&.HCC. The Fayyumic and Old Coptic variants seem to suggest that the Bohairic form is
…
• hw'.w "to be bad (stative)" > ^OOTT, ^COOTT
…
309 This plural suffix, which in Coptic can be attached to nouns of either gender, can be
…
evidence for this claim; note also the counterexample tbw.t ('tabVwtV) "sandal" >
246
If suffix pronouns are added to a word, the changes to -HI and -lOOtf do apply, but -01 is
…
5.6.7 Possible cases of early vowel umlaut triggered by a followingy
…
more classes (C&Ce, CCHC) which are left out of discussion here.
247
We can see that the four classes as reconstructed for Paleo-Coptic differ with respect to
…
Only a few such verbs belong to one of the a-classes, e.g.:
…
The s-type is also the normal development of verbs with i as third consonant, which will
…
To date, no explanation has been suggested why verbs with > as final consonant
…
conditions. But it must obviously have operated at a time when <l> had the sound value /]/.
…
Egyptian. Verbs which are assumed to belong to this type form their infinitive with a
248
It should be noted that in verbs of the ClC(e)-class this assimilation can only be
…
some of them still exist in a lexicalized form. Although their most common type is CtuCC
…
5.7.1 Subphonemic nasalization of vowels after m and n
…
In addition to this diachronic evidence, we also have synchronic indications of nasalized
249
• The stative of Wc "to bless" > "CAOtf is normally s.'CAdvA&dO", but a rare by-form
…
(i486) as men and nyn respectively (US' §2.7.3). He probably used the letter combina-
…
In certain Lycopolitan texts, vowels are regularly written double before the sequence N +
…
corresponding to a'b2 rather than to ag, b5. In this case, N0, was probably not realized as a
250
Based on Greek transcriptions such as Xe<|>pT|v of the royal name H'i-f-R' and the devel-
…
The inventory of vowels in unstressed position is comparatively restricted in Coptic.
…
These rules do not apply to borrowings from Greek where the unstressed vowels of the
…
Knudsen 1962: 199). At least as far as unstressed vowels in word-initial position are
251
Insertion of a subphonological 6 in contact with sonorants
…
In Akhmimic, a predictable, non-phonological -€ regularly appears at the end of words
…
This rule leads to morphological alternations. For example, the suffix pronoun of the 1st
…
If a word terminates in three consonants the last two of which are sonorants, no -6 is
…
I have examined the development of word-initial unstressed vowels on the way to Coptic
252
The possibility cannot be excluded that some or all Coptic dialects possess more vowel
…
• Class 6 is the outcome of <w> + any vowel.
…
position. Some interdialectal variation occurs here as well.
…
• T&.AO /taW "to inform" < di 'mi "to cause to know" (& because of Egyptian *)
…
• TOTCIO /tup/ "to remove" < di wti "to cause to be far" (OTT because of Egyptian w)
…
• cnh "to live" > f(uN&0, /'onah/ (phonological status of -a- doubtful)
…
Fecht (1985: 92f.). The alternative explanation by Vycichl (1957b: i3) is less
253
However the localization of the stress position of these adjectives may perhaps be
…
On non-phonological 6 written in the neighborhood of sonorants OS* also § 5.8.2.
…
most varieties of Coptic, among them
…
The standard development of Sahidic is -£, which I interpret as hi as most scholars do.
…
3i6 Only attested in the unpublished papyrus Morgan M 636. My data are based on
…
3i9 Primarily the so-called "dialect F58", see Diebner & Kasser (1989: 509).
254
Greek transcriptions of Egyptian words.^20 It is plausible to assume that most Greek
…
The new syllable structure rules predict that every Egyptian word ends in a vowel. The
…
If the word-final vowel is unstressed, which is by far the most common case, then it can
…
If the final vowel is preceded by a single consonant, it is lost without regard to whether
255
5.8.6.3 Final vowel following a consonant cluster where the last
…
In the Akhmimic dialect, however, a non-phonemic -€ is written if the second component
…
5.8.6.4 Final vowel following a consonant cluster with <t> or <r> as the last
…
If the remaining consonant(s) between the stressed vowel and the final vowel are lost as
…
• hbsw.t (h[V]b'sawtV) "clothing" > ^BCO) /hg'so/, ^eBOl) (instead of *2[e]BC(0€)
256
However if another consonant is preserved between the stressed vowel and the glide, then
…
developments across the dialects. In Akhmimic, the glide is preserved and the final
…
• qfy.t "field" > ".'KdJe /'kaja/, bKOI /'kaj/ or /'kai/ (for */Tcpji/) (the Sahidic form
…
5.8.6.5 Final vowel following a consonant cluster with <c> as the last
…
321 This is the reading suggested by comparison to Akhmimic, although the Bohairic
257
However if all consonants between the stressed vowel and the final vowel disappear, the
…
5.8.6.6 Final vowel following a consonant cluster with a glide as the last
…
• mkhi ('mVkVhSV) "back of the head" (> mVkhV) > sMdvK2 /'makh/
…
• hms.ti (h[V]'mVsVtjV) "to sit (stative)" > "0,AdXT~OA€CT
…
3aa On the etymology of stative forms of causative verbs in Coptic see Elanskaya (1981:
258
5.8.6.J Final vowel following a cluster of two glides
…
On the other hand, /j/ is not simply vocalized as 61. Rather, a vowel s-€, *-€~l appears
…
in Coptic when following <j> or <j>. I assume that all of these cases should be explained by
…
vs. Cft)T€ "to rescue" in Sahidic). I assume that the form CC0T6 is irregular and was
…
323 Vycichl (1964) tries to find a phonetic rule for the loss vs. retention of the vowel if
259
• In Coptic, the infinitive of some verbs is augmented by a suffix -T€ (e.g. mh "to
…
• ni-msh.w "the crocodiles", cuneiform nim-sa-hu (Lambdin 1953c) > SN£-AC002
…
but cf.-.pth (divine name), transcribed in the proper name (mar-ni-i)p-tah (Edel 1994a: II,
260
5.9.1 Principal pieces of evidence
…
phonemes of Egyptian (an exception being word-final -I in Bohairic). Unstressed
…
• CB" < w may operate like a vowel in that it absorbs the original final vowel of a
…
• Coptic is an inflecting language. Nouns and verbs are arranged into several inflec-
…
in this respect, so some nouns with OV- prefer the short form and others prefer the
…
The frequently adduced (e.g. by Till 1955: § 88) examples sT€-'irHJH "the night" and
261
• According to a rule found by Shisha-Halevy (1977), the status pronominalis of the
…
• The Coptic alphabet has virtually no specific means of expressing glides.
…
developed from Egyptian consonants, they are still treated as such wherever a vowel
…
this environment: "CndiKW /'spatu/ (instead of "CndOWe) "lips" < sp.t-w'i.
…
realized as vowels.
…
• A common opinion is that (6)1 and (0)V can be vowels as well as consonants, and
…
word stress, which does not exclude the possibility that phonological /j/ and /w/ may
…
• Kasser (1982a) introduces a more complex point of view. He argues that Coptic had
262
glides were realized as syllabic vowels in "bradysyllabation", this being the reason
…
consonantal function to us (i.e. they can form the apex of a syllable or not), the
…
I will not attempt to make a decision on the issue in this book. A thorough treatment of
…
• wdh "fruit" developed into s'bO'5'T^.2- However the Akhmimic dialect form of this
…
• A comparable phenomenon seems to have occurred in the name of the god Osiris
263
The following sections are devoted to syllabic sonorants in Coptic. It appears that
…
status, but it is possible to analyse most syllabic sonorants as resulting from secondary
…
sonorant — this is 8, \, J\, ft, or p (on El, Off see below) -, the vowel is frequently absorbed
264
The complementary relationship of syllabic sonorants on the one hand and sequences of
…
The glides £f 1)1 and OV M are in principle also sonorants, but it is not quite clear how
…
However s0'8" "what?", a word of unknown etymology, seems to be a syllabic variety of w
…
Vowel absorption takes place basically according to the same rules before vowels as it
265
probably in order to unambiguously indicate the syllabic nature of the sonorant.328 For
…
different here. They are mere positional variants of sonorants and not related to an
266
has the same form in Bohairic, the combination with the definite article n- is written bFT-
…
vowels. Their etymological background is obscure. As before unstressed vowels, these
…
For example, the combination of the preposition N and the (unstressed) indefinite article
…
• br "(kind of a boat)" > sB&Ape /'Pa:rg/, borrowed into Greek as Papi? whence
267
• d'n.t "Tanis (town)", perhaps to be reconstructed as ('du'VntV) (cf. Vvcichl 1983:
…
place according to the rules given in § 5.5.10.2. Nevertheless the vowel was absorbed by
…
5.10.7 The phonological status of syllabic sonorants in Coptic
…
sonorants are in complementary distribution with the vowel s'1>&. = a>%. Although a writing
268
assume that this is a language change favored by the increasing influence of Bohairic
…
Where Sahidic has syllabic sonorants, we usually find o or e preceding (or replacing) the
…
i98off.: I, 284). Vycichl (1990: 205f.) assumes that the e-forms are modelled on the
…
332 However the prefix of the negative perfect (sAFie-) is found as Gfie- (Kahle 1954: I,
Prosody
269
Let us now turn to features such as word stress and tone, which can be subsumed under the
…
A language is a stress language in the strict sense of the term if exactly one
…
Tsujimura 1996: 74-78). On the other hand, numerous languages of the world allow
…
binary contrast, most typically a contrast between high and low pitch. However the
…
In stress languages, word stress may be predictable from the phonetic form of the
270
ward rule (in many languages the first or the last syllable of a word is stressed
…
languages of the world are tonal languages. Very diverse accentuation types are attested
…
Ga'az (Old Ethiopic) stress does not seem to have been predictable either, at least as far
…
permit a conclusion as to which kind of accentuation Egyptian or Coptic might have had.
…
• Long (i.e. double) vowels only appear in the marked syllable (KIP §§ 5.2.3.2, 5-3.3).
…
333 Actually, there is no reliable information as to how words were stressed in Classical
271
As expected, the syllable which has been described as the marked syllable in § 6.1.2 is
…
Schenkel which is still to appear (Schenkel in preparation). The explanation is easy:
…
sne-C<>0 /pas'ha/, bni-C2>0 /pis'xD/ "plough handle" > /'basxa/ ~ /'basxa/ "foot of a
…
Stress can even fall on an originally prosthetic vowel as in the names of two well-known
…
manuscripts did employ accentuation marks. Since the Coptic script is derived from the
…
accentuation marks, but only for a minor proportion of the Greek loan words and
…
334 Hinds & Badawi (1986: 60), Vittmann (1991: 207). ?I1-Birba Ly}\ also appears as a
272
' and grave * as allographs on the one hand, circumflex " on the other), both Coptic
…
bring it before-me dip it in the-blood of-Osiris give-it that-we-appeal
273
diacritic ("), although not consistently. Budge does not comment on this feature of
…
6.1.5 How to determine the stress position in a Coptic word
…
it within the word (Kg* § 4.2, cf. also § 5.5.7). Further examples of such reasonings can be
…
The accentuation of Greek loan words in Coptic poses more problems since the internal
…
Coptic words are always stressed on one of the last two syllables. Since Coptic word
…
342 On the accentuation of Greek verbs in Coptic cf. Till (1948-49: 18-20). Bohlig
274
As long as the unstressed -€ is transcribed as hi as it is here and everywhere in this book,
…
category)" may be considered a minimal pair distinguished by the position of stress.
…
Word stress is not indicated in the indigenous Egyptian scripts. Our opinions about stress
…
assume that Paleo-Coptic stress at least partly reflects a Pre-Paleo-Coptic distinction of
275
A few scholars have expressed the idea that earlier or prehistoric Egyptian might have
…
Let us define a word in Coptic as a unit that has a single word stress. Coptic words in this
…
This way, many former nouns have developed into nominal prefixes in Coptic. However
…
/an'met/ "chief of 10 men"
276
The indirect genitive construction is still current in Coptic, however the first noun does
…
This construction, as most of the following constructions, is no longer productive in
…
• fdw "four" (> «JTOOff /'ftaw/) + tfw "wind" > *jTO?T-THO?r /ftu'tew/ "the four wind
…
This construction is still very frequent. Most transitive verbs have a proclitic form
…
• rh "to know" (not preserved as a stressed verb in Coptic) + sdm "to hear" > SUJ-
277
• hrw "Horus (god)" (> s20)p /'hor/) + wdi.w "is healthy (stative)" > 2ep-0'S-0a
…
Khons that he lives"; Luddeckens & Thissen i98off.: 100, for the grammatical
…
Phonetic reduction of non-stressed elements is far less expressed in cuneiform transcrip-
…
Compounds with final stress as described in §6.2.1 are the only productive type of
…
Let us call them type 1 and type 2 compounds as opposed to type 3 compounds which are
…
However we cannot conclude from this that compounds of type 3 were exclusively formed
278
tive compound formations. It is possible that still unexplored features of the internal
…
ATTESTED FROM THE Old KlNGDOM ON
…
mr-ih.w, lit. "overseer (of)
…
mn-nfr (originally name of
…
pr-'nh, lit. "house (of) life(?)"
…
345 Final d (or ou) reflects /w/ of wt, whereas y reflects /w/ of w>i. We have to read
…
347 The first syllable was lost irregularly in the New Kingdom. The focalizer in was re-
279
Z)-t>, lit. "son (of the) earth"
…
t>-rd, lit. "ground of foot,
…
(of) sod"
…
(of) god)"
…
sn-t>, lit. "(to) kiss (the)
…
probably results from metathesis. The lack of aspiration in Bohairie indicates that
…
351 TO^ONAE is suspicious of being a loan word because 1 Pal is not a regular phoneme
…
The stressed vowel of ntr "god" (Coptic sMO'5'T£) has been elided which probably
…
into a class of four- or three-consonantal verbs, depending on whether <>> was still
280
ATTESTED FROM THE MlDDLE KlNGDOM ON
…
hfi-t>, lit. "who-is-upon (the)
…
"(to) open (the) face"
…
month of the Coptic year)
…
Mvnins (name of a holy
…
*iwtn-n-h.t, lit. "earth of
…
355 -n seems to be the stressed vowel. Mv- is probably a Greek substitution of Egyptian
…
356 Vycichl (1990: 249) questions this example suspecting that the Egyptian writing gr-
…
gr "bird" is also attested in isolation. This word might be related to the unclear
…
inherited from Proto-Indo-European because the sound correspondences are
281
6.2.a.3 The development of compounds with non-final stress: previous
…
It is evident that all compounds-to-be must have once been syntagms consisting of
…
according to which, after stress had been fixed on the first component, the non-first
…
• Fecht (i960) proposes a historical explanation to explain the form of type 1/2
…
processes of Egyptian word phonology, the compounds must have been created (e.g.
282
the former syntagms must have merged into single words) before their components
…
compounds were formed after the reduction of the individual components had
…
clear how exactly the reduction of (future) compound elements could have taken
…
6.2.2.4 The development of compounds with non-final stress in the light of
…
It seems to me that Fecht's basic idea is correct. Let us consider the development of
…
tion is quite complex and not free of difficulties and contradictions (cf. Schenkel 1968).
284
Paleo-Coptic stage was reached. In any case, a form such as fzi>ta>V) or (z[V]'>it>V)
…
Egyptian has enclitic elements which are placed at what can be called the second
…
164-168). I will only discuss a single clitic of Old/ Middle Egyptian here. This is the
285
• nouns coordinated without conjunction (Abel 1910: i5f.)
…
pw does not usually intervene in the following syntagms, although there are exceptions:
…
The combination noun + adjective/ participle/ relative form is preferably not separated in
…
• noun + pw + noun as apposition (Abel 1910: i3)
…
These rules also work in combination. For example, when/no is added to the syntagm
…
information on boundaries of segments some of which certainly also coincided with
286
Egyptian texts provide not many superficial indications of boundaries as compared with
…
The hieroglyphic group Jl seems to be the only example of a punctuation mark in the
…
Many Coptic manuscripts employ several diacritics (points and strokes of various forms)
…
359 On rubra see Posener (1949) who also discusses another, rarer use of rubra involving
287
In the Latin script, there are essentially two devices for marking word boundaries. Most
…
the boundaries of a word (it has, however, not yet been examined what exactly counts as a
…
"robably due to the influence of Greek, there are much fewer means of marking word
…
oa Sethe (1922: 109-120) undertook a detailed examination of this phenomenon for the
288
spaces,363 nor do signs exist which are restricted to use at the beginning or end of a word.
…
Egyptian has complex phonograms which express sequences of two (or even three)
…
editions of Coptic texts separate the words for the convenience of modern readers. In
289
The lines in the chart refer to the following types of morphological compounding:
…
3) past tense prefix & + pronominal infix (-'if; as a subject pronoun). I have not
…
9) nominal prefix s'b&T + (nominal or verbal) stem. This prefix forms nouns of negative
…
10) nominal prefix SANT, bMT + nominal stem. This prefix forms abstract nouns.
…
focus on the junction between the pronominal infix and the noun.
…
a) combinatory aspiration of stops: using <£, ©, S, X instead of n, T, A, K before a
…
two occurrences in a footnote. I have preferred occurrences where the Sahidic and
291
The results in brief:
…
• The Sahidic aspirate digraphs <§, 0, and X, as well as f are applied at certain
…
A Sahidic text from approximately the 5th century ad published by Pietersma & Comstock
…
• Word-internal consonant clusters can either be separated or taken to the following
…
e(to)-T(the)-CtuUje(field), with one word boundary: ebO\ eTCOX^e.
…
4°4 Pietersma et al. (1979: 24, line 11). ti(object marfer)-T(the)-NHCTI&.(fasting).
292
"the time"4°7; e'iTO'iTeV&B /Wwa:p7 "which are holy"4°8.
…
well-defined manner. Metrics is a major feature of poetic texts and seems to be universal,
…
Ancient Egypt. Due to our restricted knowledge about vowels and syllables of the
…
407 Pietersma et al. (1979: 38, line 5). ne(the)-0,iroeiUI(time).
293
Egyptian language, the mechanics of Egyptian metrics have not yet been diseovered.4"
…
An example of Demotic poetry might be expected in a bilingual text from ca. 20oad pub-
…
From the earlier periods, texts written in lines that are candidates for poetry can hardly
…
Egyptologists traditionally call them "verse points". Most (not all) of these points
…
semantic (Foster 1975) base without paying any attention to the syllable structure
Appendix 1-10
297
The following charts are based on exactly the same data base which was counted in
…
c) the a
…
412 The expected co-occurrence frequency (fc) is calculated by the following formula:
…
( fa = total token-frequency of one consonant; fb = total token frequency of the other
300
Appendix 3 The Egyptian numerals from 3 to 10 in cuneiform
…
Bi- and multilingual glossaries ("lexical lists") have a long tradition in the cuneiform
…
4i3 The sign TUM can be read tu at the end of a word (and is conventionally transliter-
301
The study of Egyptian syllable structures is based on the observation that the openness
…
* I do compare status nominalis / pronominalis forms of nouns (including infinitives)
…
* If a lexical base takes an obligatory pronominal suffix in Coptic, I choose the suffix
…
* If there is some doubt about the etymological connection between the Egyptian and
302
The chart contains the following entries:
…
2) The place of attestation in the Sinuhe manuscript (line/ column).
…
"+": A vowel which is high in Coptic is followed by two consonants in the Sinuhe
…
"?": Evidence is ambiguous, e.g. because it is unclear where the stressed vowel is to
…
monoconsonantal signs, doubtful etymology), the symbol is put in brackets ( ). I
…
No syllable structure rules are presupposed: I do not rule out the possibility that
306
(part of the human
…
The result is that a clear majority of the examples agree with the syllable structure rules.
307
Appendix 5 Semitic loan words from the New Kingdom still found
…
Akkadian narkabtu
…
Nubian as meflsa
308
As>M-
…
Akkadian ratu (a
…
J> taM-, Akkadian
…
likely to be borrowings from Aramaic. Probably the same root appears in Arabic as
…
417 Cf. Osing (1976a: note 60 on p. 38o-382), who, based on the traditional conceptions
310
ArAi (a type of
…
419 The word is to be connected with Egyptian qrh.t "pot", attested since OK. Hoch's
311
Appendix 6 The Egyptian month names
…
• Old South Arabic, late 1st millennium bc, for the sources US5 § 2.9.3.
…
page of
…
420 Besides the normal pronunciation, Hinds & Badawi (1986: 900) also cite a pronuncia-
312
Appendix 7 Pronunciation of H in Late Coptic
…
• Severus Ibn al-Muqaffa, a Christian bishop of the 10th century ad, wrote a well-
…
• Cramer (1961) published a manuscript of a liturgical text in the Coptic language
…
the words of all three languages are rendered in Ethiopic script. The manuscript is
…
way between /a/ and hi which could be represented as /a/. Strelcyn renders this
…
Strelcyn (1957: 9, 49-51) further cites a Go'oz transcription of the Coptic
…
• Galtier (1906: 91-99) published a portion of a manuscript that renders a religious
…
• Rochemonteix (1892) gives phonetic renderings of Biblical texts which he wrote
313
add it into the same column in italics, leaving Prince's transcription unchanged.
…
Sobhy gives a transliteration of the Lord's Prayer "according to the indigenous
…
• Worrell & Vycichl (1942: 345-354) give phonetic transcriptions of several religious
317
(stative)
320
(stative)
…
(stative)
…
(stative)
…
Written as three words: jjjT Jj^L ^\ (N-2HreAONIKON). Unfortunately, this
321
Appendix 8 Representation of Coptic consonants in Arabic loan
…
Egypt: I write /g/ for the sounds that in native words would be derived from Classical
…
/'we:ba/ (measure equal to one-sixth of an
…
424 Although this sound corresponds to Proto-Semitic /g/, the Cairene form is probably
322
/'misra/ "lath month of the Coptic year" <
…
/rif ta:w/ "mesure of grain equal to one
…
/'turja/ "kind of mattock" < sT(upe, ^(Opi
…
/di'mi:ra/ ~ /di'me:ra/ "time of flood" <
…
/ha'tu:r/ (3rd month of the Coptic year) <
…
/ta:s/ "border (especially of a field)" <
…
(< Egypt, hnts. The word is not attested in
…
/ba'Jans/ (9th month of the Coptic year) <
…
/di'mi:ra/ ~ /di'me:ra/ "time of flood" <
…
"lock, plait of hair"
323
(recorded in the Fayynm and
…
/?am'si:r/ "6th month of the Coptic year"
…
parts of Egypt there are
…
/'kalag/ "to limp" < s>bKtt)As "to bend/ to
…
Bishai (1964: 42). On the
…
(recorded in the Delta)
324
Appendix 9 Modern Egyptian toponyms of Pre-Arabic origin
…
comment on the etymology
…
This name is not attested prior to Coptic. The
…
From Greek ' AXdjoivSpEia, named after Alexander the
…
This certainly goes back to *p>-dmj-n-hrw, "the town of
…
tb-ntr (since Dynasty 25), literally "... of the god", the
…
Not attested in Coptic, but found as OaKoixra in Anci-
…
pr-nbw, literally "house of gold". This name is first
…
Not attested before Coptic. The etymology is obscure.
…
From the Greek proper name KaXXiojtn. It is not un-
325
The town is well attested in Greek as *¥ivzvpT\c, (Timm
…
pl-ym (since NK). p' being the definite article, ym is a
…
TC€- may be the first part of an Egyptian female proper
…
of textiles" in Sahidic, which is probably the correct
…
The earliest Coptic attestation of this name is from as
…
No early form of this toponym is attested, but the name
…
zjw.t'i (attested since OK, see Zibelius 1978: 196). The
…
io8f.), lit. "antechamber of Min (god)".
…
14-16) which is a common element of Egyptian place
326
An adjectival derivation from the Greek proper name
…
word was borrowed as brkt into Late Egyptian, but we
…
From hw.t "mansion", an abbreviation of earlier hw.t-
…
from iwn "pillar". The name was expanded by an allus-
…
The ultimate origin of this toponym, known as "Luxor"
…
iwn "pillar", mntw is a famous god of this site. Kg* the
…
(ti)-sny.t (in the Graeco-Roman period, more doubtfully
…
691). The name is an adjectival derivation from nbw
Selective index, Bibliography, Abbreviations of journals
329
• I have discussed an issue or a word at a place in this book which the reader would
…
• I have cited new relevant literature on a word to which I wish to draw the reader's
…
from the table of contents;
…
alphabet, order of
…
of c in
…
indefinite, as an areal
…
chain shift of vowels
…
substitution of, in
…
of Egyptian names
335
Aharoni, Yohanan 1966: The use of Hieratic numerals in Hebrew ostraca and the shekel
…
Albright, William Foxwell 1923: The principles of Egyptian phonological development, in
…
-----1937: The Egyptian Correspondence of Abimilki, Prince of Tyre, in JEA 23: 190-203
…
Allen, James P. 1984: The inflection of the verb in the Pyramid Texts, Malibu: Undena Publica-
…
tics in memory of J. Alexander Kerns, 2 volumes, Amsterdam: John Benjamins (Amster-
…
Astour, Michael C. 1981: Toponymic parallels between the Nuzi area and northern Syria. Ap-
…
Baer, Klaus 1985: Compatible phonemes in adjoining positions within nominal and verbal roots
…
Bakir, Abd el-Mohsen 1966: The Cairo Calendar No. 8663j, Cairo: General Organisation for
336
Baxter, William Hubbard 1992: A handbook of Old Chinese phonology, Berlin, New York:
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Bishai, Wilson B. i960: Notes on the Coptic substratum in Egyptian Arabic, in JAOS 80: 225-
337
[Brugsch, Heinrich & Erhan, Adolf] (editors of the ZAS) 1889: Zur Umschreibung der Hiero-
…
Budge, Ernest Alfred Thompson Wallis 1898: n&(OU)A£ ffH£l(rc\\AOC. The earliest known Cop-
…
KhS-Burhester, Oswald Hugh Ewart 1965/66 (published 1966): Further Leaves from the Ara-
…
-----1977: A Tale of Woe from a Hieratic Papyrus in the A.S. Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts in
…
Capart, Jean & Gardiner, Alan Henderson & van de Walle, Baudouin 1936: New Light on the
…
-----1943: On the origin of the name of the month Tybi, in ASAE 43: 173-181
338
Chomsky, Noam & Halle, Morris 1968: The sound pattern of English, New York: Harper &
…
Clarysse, Willy & van der Veken, Griet 1983: The Eponymous Priests of Ptolemaic Egypt (P.
…
Cochavi-Rainey, Zipora 1990: Egyptian influence in the Akkadian texts written by Egyptian
…
Crum, Walter Ewing & Winlock, Herbert Eustis 1926: The monastery ofEpiphanius at Thebes,
…
Czapkiewicz, Andrzej 1971: Ancient Egyptian and Coptic Elements in the Toponomy of Con-
339
Davis, Virginia Lee 1973: Syntax of the negative particles bw and bn in Late Egyptian,
…
de Buck, Adriaan 1985-1961: The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 7 volumes, Chicago: University of
…
Depuydt, Leo 1985a: Two notes on the Coptic language, in OLP 16: 131-140
…
der Manuelian, Peter 1994: Living in the past. Studies in archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-sixth
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Dixon, Robert Malcolm Ward 1980: The languages of Australia, Cambridge: Cambridge
…
Drescher, James 1970: The Coptic (Sahidic) version of Kingdoms I, II (Samuel I, II), Louvain
340
Edgerton, William Franklin 1940: Egyptian phonetic writing, from its invention to the close of
…
Edwards, Iorwerth Eiddon Stephen i960 (ed.): Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Fourth
341
sonants, and vocabulary, Berkeley etc.: University of California Press (University of Cali-
…
-----±981: The t-causativa in Coptic, in Young (±981: 8o-i3o and 4 plates)
…
Emmel, Stephen 1981: Proclitic forms of the verb f in Coptic, in Young (±981:131-146)
…
Faber, Alice 1989: On the nature of proto-Semitic *l, in JAOS 109: 33-36
342
Fischer, Henry George 1977a: The Orientation of Hieroglyphs, Part 1: Reversals, New York:
…
riraju & Abdulaziz, Mohamed (eds.) 1986: The Fergusonian impact. In honor of Charles A.
…
Foster, John Lawrence 1975: Thought couplets in Khety's "Hymn to the Inundation", in JNES
…
-----1929: The transcription of New Kingdom Hieratic, in JEA 15: 48-55
…
-----1957: Egyptian grammar being an introduction to the study of hieroglyphs, 3rd revised edi-
343
-----1976-1978 (published 1981), under the new name Anba Gregorius: Greek Loan Words in
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-----1985: Methodological remarks on comparative studies of Egyptian and biblical words and
…
Green, Michael 1983: A private archive of Coptic letters and documents from Teshlot, in
…
-----1935/37: Catalogue of the Demotic graffiti of the Dodecashoenus (2 volumes), Oxford: Ox-
…
Groll, Sarah Israelit 1984: A short grammar of the Spermeru dialect, in Junge (1984a: I, 41-61)
344
Gunn, Battiscombe & Gardiner, Alan Henderson 1918: New Renderings of Egyptian Texts. II:
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handbook of international research, 1. Halbband — Volume 1, Berlin/ New York: de
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Habachi, Labib 1985: Elephantine TV. The sanctuary of Heqaib, with contributions by Gerhard
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Hess, Richard Samuel 1991: The Operation of Case Vowels in the Personal Names of the
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Hincks, Edward 1848: An Attempt to ascertain the Number, Names, and Powers, of the Letters
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-----1973b: Some problems of Meroitic philology, in Hintze (1973a: 321-336)
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Hoch, James Eric 1994: Semitic words in Egyptian texts of the New Kingdom and Third Inter-
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-----1990: The role of Egyptian within Afroasiatic (/ Lislakh), in Baldi (1990: 639-659)
345
Revised and introduced by His Holiness Pope Shenouda HI, Pope of Alexandria and patri-
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Ishao. (Isaac), Kamal Farid 1993: Attempts to revive the Coptic language in Egypt, and relevant
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-----1975: Commodity Prices from the Ramessid Period. An Economic Study of the Village of
346
Johnson, David W. (ed.) 1998: Acts of the fifth international congress of Coptic studies,
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[Johnson, Janet H. & Wente, Edward Frank (eds.)] 1976: Studies in honor of George R.
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to a lecture held at the 18. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft fiir Sprachwissenschaft,
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-----1990: A standard system of sigla for referring to the dialects of Coptic, in JCoSt 1: 141-151
348
Khalafallah, Abdelghany A. 1969: A descriptive grammar of Saei:di Egyptian colloquial Ara-
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-----1980: Stress in Akkadian, in JCS 32: 3-i6
349
Ladefoged, Peter & Maddieson. Ian 1996: The sounds of the world's languages, Cambridge
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-----1953c: Another cuneiform transcription of Egyptian msh, "crocodile", in JNES 12: 284f.
…
Leahy, Anthony 1983: The proper name Pisanhuru, in GM 62: 37-48
…
Lesko, Leonard H. (ed.) 1982-1990: A dictionary of late Egyptian, 5 volumes, Berkeley Ca.,
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Lichtheim, Miriam 1971/72: Have the principles of Ancient Egyptian metrics been discovered?,
350
McGready, A.G. 1968: Egyptian words in the Greek vocabulary, in Glotta 46: 238-247
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Morrison, Martha A. & Owen, David I. 1981: Studies on the civilization and culture ofNuzi and
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O'Leary, De Lacy Evans 1934: Notes on the Coptic language, in Or 3 (nova series): 243-258
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Orlandi, Tito & Wisse, Frederik (eds.) 1985: Acts of the second international congress of Coptic
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Palva, Heikki 1969: Notes on the alledged Coptic morphological influence on Egyptian Arabic,
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Podolsky, Baruch 1991: The Problem of Word Accent in Modern Hebrew, in Mukarovsky (1991:
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Ruffle, John & Gaballa, Gaballa A. & Kitchen, Kenneth Anderson (eds.) 1979: Glimpses of
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Saleh, Mohamed 1977: Three Old-Kingdom Tombs at Thebes. I. The Tomb of Unas-Ankh no.
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356
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Watson, Philip J. 1979: Consonantal patterning in Egyptian triliteral verbal roots, in Ruffle &
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Westenholz, Aage 1991: The phoneme /o/ in Akkadian, in ZA 81,10-19
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Wilson, Penelope 1997: A Ptolemaic lexicon. A lexicographical study of the texts in the temple
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Worrell, William Hoyt (ed.) 1928: The Coptic manuscripts in the Freer collection, New York:
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363
Abbreviations of journals
…
AJSL The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Chicago
…
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, American Schools of
…
CWPL Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics, Calgary: Department of Linguistics
…
Iraq Iraq, London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq
364
JAAL Journal of Afroasiatic Languages, New York: Princeton University Press
…
JCoSt Journal of Coptic Studies founded by the International Association for Coptic
…
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies, continuing the American Journal of Semitic
…
Language Language. Journal of the Linguistic Society of America, Baltimore
…
Agyptologie und Koptologie / Los Angeles: Department of Near Eastern Langua-
365
Bibliographie, Leuven/ Louvain: International Centre of Onomastics
…
OrSue Orientalia Suecana, An international journal of Indological, Iranian, Semitic,
…
TRIA The Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin: Royal Irish Academy
…
Word Word, Journal of the Linguistic Cycle of New York I [from vol. 25:] Word,
• gwl (gawSV) "to push off'^ (?> gawwV) > sSCDOT /'Wow/, b.£a)OTN
• tiw (WwV) "wind" (?> WwV) > THV /'tew/, ^HOTT
• tiw ('tuiwV) "to be taken" (stative) > s£Htf /'cew/, bSHOtr
• djw ('dijwV) "five" > sfOV /'tiw/, bTIOtf
2) Another possibility is that the first consonant survives in Coptic. Thus, if <w> is
the first consonant, it is preserved:
nwi "to see" (niwSV) (since Middle Kingdom)18" (?> niwV) > s<hHW/'naw/lSl
• W ('haw3V) "to be rotten" (?> 'hawV) > sgOOTT /'haw/, ^CBOtT
If <>> is the first consonant, it can be preserved or lost in Coptic, as is true for word-final
• hkiw (h[V]'ka*wV) "magician" (?> hrVJ'kaSV) > ^dvKO /ha'ko/, bdvXC0
• hfly.w (hfV]fry]'?avwV) "snakes" > ^fiOtfl /'hBuj/
• sbi.w "disciple" > ^fiOtf I /'spuj/
• ziw (zaiwV) "beam of wood" (since Middle Kingdom) (?> za'V) > s.bCOI /'sdj/
• z>w ('zV>wV) "Sais (town)" > KAl /'saj/, Hi\ /'sa/, attested as sa-a-a (probably to be
interpreted [saj?] or similarly) in Neo-Assyrian cuneiform transcription (see Borger
1996: 20)
It can be noted that in several of these cases the type of the stressed vowel contradicts
what is expected from the syllable structure rules. The stressed vowel seems to have
followed the second consonant, judging from its vowel type, but it precedes the
reflex of the second consonant in Coptic. This can be interpreted as a very early loss of
the second component of the cluster which would have taken place before the syllable
structure rules were at work (US' §4.8.7): ('niw>V) > (niwV) > N&TT; ('za>wV) > ('zaSV)
>COI.
179 For this word see Osing (1976a: 778).
180 For reading and early attestations see Osing (1976a: note 200 on p. 5o3f.) and
Habach: (1985: 36, line 6).
181 There is a transcription of a New Kingdom Egyptian proper name into Akkadian
cuneiform from Bogazkoy in the following variants: pa-ri-ih-na-PI, pa-H-ih-tia-a-PI,
Bl-ri-ih-na-PI, Bl-ri-ih-na-a-PI, Pl-ri-ik-na-PI (see Edel 1994a: II, 364). The sign PI
is usually read wa in Bogazkoy texts (Roster & Neu 1989: no. 317), but the last
variety of this name proves that a reading pi is also possible here. H. Schafer (men-
tioned by Ranke 1923: i33f.) identified his supposed reading pa/irihnawa with the
rare Egyptian name pl-rh-nwi (lit.: "he who knows to see"), which was accepted by
all subsequent scholars (e.g. Albright 1946a: 18; Edel 1948: 16; Vergote 1973/83:
lb, 93). If this be true, then we have an early cuneiform transcription of the infinitive
of the verb nwi > SH&V "to see". na-(a)-wa is, however, difficult to reconcile with
Coptic sN&,ir (Coptic &. points to older *i rather than to *a, Kg8 §5.5). I suggest that
the sign PI can also be interpreted as pi in the renderings of this name. This would
yield pa/i-ri-ih-na-(a)-pi which could be identified with *p>-rh-nfr ("he who knows
well"), a name, however, which I have not yet found attested in Egyptian texts.
147
• tiw (WwV) "wind" (?> WwV) > THV /'tew/, ^HOTT
• tiw ('tuiwV) "to be taken" (stative) > s£Htf /'cew/, bSHOtr
• djw ('dijwV) "five" > sfOV /'tiw/, bTIOtf
2) Another possibility is that the first consonant survives in Coptic. Thus, if <w> is
the first consonant, it is preserved:
nwi "to see" (niwSV) (since Middle Kingdom)18" (?> niwV) > s<hHW/'naw/lSl
• W ('haw3V) "to be rotten" (?> 'hawV) > sgOOTT /'haw/, ^CBOtT
If <>> is the first consonant, it can be preserved or lost in Coptic, as is true for word-final
• hkiw (h[V]'ka*wV) "magician" (?> hrVJ'kaSV) > ^dvKO /ha'ko/, bdvXC0
• hfly.w (hfV]fry]'?avwV) "snakes" > ^fiOtfl /'hBuj/
• sbi.w "disciple" > ^fiOtf I /'spuj/
• ziw (zaiwV) "beam of wood" (since Middle Kingdom) (?> za'V) > s.bCOI /'sdj/
• z>w ('zV>wV) "Sais (town)" > KAl /'saj/, Hi\ /'sa/, attested as sa-a-a (probably to be
interpreted [saj?] or similarly) in Neo-Assyrian cuneiform transcription (see Borger
1996: 20)
It can be noted that in several of these cases the type of the stressed vowel contradicts
what is expected from the syllable structure rules. The stressed vowel seems to have
followed the second consonant, judging from its vowel type, but it precedes the
reflex of the second consonant in Coptic. This can be interpreted as a very early loss of
the second component of the cluster which would have taken place before the syllable
structure rules were at work (US' §4.8.7): ('niw>V) > (niwV) > N&TT; ('za>wV) > ('zaSV)
>COI.
179 For this word see Osing (1976a: 778).
180 For reading and early attestations see Osing (1976a: note 200 on p. 5o3f.) and
Habach: (1985: 36, line 6).
181 There is a transcription of a New Kingdom Egyptian proper name into Akkadian
cuneiform from Bogazkoy in the following variants: pa-ri-ih-na-PI, pa-H-ih-tia-a-PI,
Bl-ri-ih-na-PI, Bl-ri-ih-na-a-PI, Pl-ri-ik-na-PI (see Edel 1994a: II, 364). The sign PI
is usually read wa in Bogazkoy texts (Roster & Neu 1989: no. 317), but the last
variety of this name proves that a reading pi is also possible here. H. Schafer (men-
tioned by Ranke 1923: i33f.) identified his supposed reading pa/irihnawa with the
rare Egyptian name pl-rh-nwi (lit.: "he who knows to see"), which was accepted by
all subsequent scholars (e.g. Albright 1946a: 18; Edel 1948: 16; Vergote 1973/83:
lb, 93). If this be true, then we have an early cuneiform transcription of the infinitive
of the verb nwi > SH&V "to see". na-(a)-wa is, however, difficult to reconcile with
Coptic sN&,ir (Coptic &. points to older *i rather than to *a, Kg8 §5.5). I suggest that
the sign PI can also be interpreted as pi in the renderings of this name. This would
yield pa/i-ri-ih-na-(a)-pi which could be identified with *p>-rh-nfr ("he who knows
well"), a name, however, which I have not yet found attested in Egyptian texts.
147