Contents
Introduction
20
/p/ and /b/, this distinction best conforms with the evidence that is presently available
…
into consideration would allow for p and b to be analysed as mere allophones of a single
…
it are simply wrong. For example, the statement that the Coptic successors of p and b
…
/b/, if instead the tonal system was analysed as allophonic.
Basic information about Egyptian
36
Coptic. Sahidic is encoded as S, Bohairic as B, certain subvarieties of Bohairic as B4, Bg
…
left: s Sahidic, b Bohairic, a Akhmimic,' Lycopolitan, f Fayyumic, m Mesokemic.
Consonants
79
<b>
…
least for <b> and <c> there is evidence that they were originally stops. The assignment
…
It is disputed at which time stops of class 3 developed into spirants. I argue that both <b>
84
nants other than stops, such as rhbw "fire" > SA9,(I)B, mhw.t "family" > mA2,e'S"7o, nhr
…
seOOtfT /'thowt/, beC0O3T and hw.t-hrw > soAOGOp /hat'hor/, b&e(i)p (both are originally
85
<b>, cases of confusion can already be observed in the New (or perhaps even Middle)
…
(b),(%d,d,g,q
86
(stative) > b©02- On these cf. Fecht (i960: note 505 on p. i8of.), Osing (1976a: notes 611
…
/n/, ^ HI, p hi, B /p/, (1)1, OV /vff). Thus, the aspirate sign may not only be a representative
…
of the following sonorant (thus XN&.'B' would be spoken something like knnaw). Vycichl
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• p}i (demonstrative pronoun) > b<j>dJ /'phaj/ in autonomous position but bn<M- /paj-/
92
whether the contrasts /b/ — /p/ and /g/ — /k/ did develop in Late Coptic and were
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b
…
/b/ in European loan words.
93
b
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vs. non-aspirate. Arabic voiced d is represented as A; Arabic b is rendered as FT because
…
b
106
• %c.w "treasuries" (since OK) > *ihr.w^ > s&20Xl)p, b^o.(l)p
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• 'hmw ~ csmw ~ 'hmw "twigs" > b^&Se.A\ (for the Egyptian word see von Deines &
109
• qhqh "to hammer (metal)" > H5dJieq,~s&b&sq,, bA&2Ae9,
…
well as to the Sahidic noun B^TG of indeterminable gender. Both these words are
110
Sethe 1899-1902: I, § 227a), just as it often does preceding <m>, <p>, or <b> (Kg* § 3.16.1):
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Kingdom, with the Greek name ©npai^ which appears as te-qa- in linear-B texts. The
111
b&©0&f ~d^AOAf, from Semitic *'agalt-, Hoch 1994: no. 100).
…
or one of the consonants <b> or <w>; it seems plausible that these sounds have evoked an
115
b/j/
123
hnd "to tread" > ^(ONT /'hont/, b£)CuNT /'xont/ "to approach"
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ih r-k "what is to you?; why do you (...)?" > sd,2pO-K /ah'rak/, b&£)0-K (with
133
<b> ibi (> m
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<b> /p/ ~ [bi
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<b>/p/
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There are five Egyptian graphemes for labial consonants: <f>, <b>, <p>, <m>, and <w>. For the
134
(prVpurtV) and b€ITHIT /a'pep/ (month name) < Egyptian ipip (i[V]p'iupV). This IT can in
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<p> is often not tolerated in direct contact with a dental stop and shifts to Coptic B /fV or
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B^ITTei "to harm", Bohlig 1954: 47), there is a Bohairic rendering ?veBTON for ^CITTOM
135
For rare cases of a development p > b outside this condition see Osing (1976a: note 461
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<b> in Egyptian
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• w'b (w[V]'cabV) "to be pure" (infinitive) > sOTOn /"wop/
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• w'b.w (wa'VbwV) "to be pure" (stative) > "OTdAB /'wa:p7, 'W&B
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after single consonants but were retained after consonant clusters. Any /b/ which
…
Traces of the sound shift /b/ > /pi can be found in writing from the New Kingdom on (cf.
136
3.12.5 B 'n Coptic
…
Bohairic seems to have had the peculiarity that 6 was realized as a stop [b] in word-final
…
• qlb "to double" > sKCOB /'kop/, *>KCl)B~Ka>n /'kop/ f'kob]
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I assume that Bohairic [b] is a phonetic archaism: /b/ usually shifted to /p/ but was
…
consonants: b (= /b/, for IT, <l>, and word-final B), b' (probably = /p/, for word-initial and
…
The bilabial nature of B seems to be confirmed by a sound rule of Sahidic according to
143
Ub.fi (j[V]'JVbVtjV) "east" > sei(e)BT/3]pt/ ~ /'jpt/, b(e)feBT
…
• itp C?atpV) "to load" > sCOTF! /'otp/, b(l)6T
145
bho "hill" (b[V]'kwV) (since MK) > 600V /'p3w/*74
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3 "big" ("a>V) > s'b-0 fof (in Coptic found in compounds only)
149
• ink (ia'nakV) independent personal pronoun 1st pers. sg. > s'b&NOK /a'nok/
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1) itrw "river, Nile" > ^lOOp fp:r/, bIOp "canal" and 2) 'i "big" > s>b-0 hi
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• di.t-w'b- "to cleanse" (with following pronominal suffix) > sTBfiO- /tB'o/, bTO'S'60-
151
• miwt ('mi?VwtV) "to think" (since MK) > s-a^e€?re /'me:w3/, b>\e?TI
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• snw.t "granary" > bUJ£'B'NI /'Jewni/ (with metathesis)
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• th.t ('tihtV) "to be drunk" > ^e /'tihe/, b©l3l
158
• htr "span of horses; couple" > ^dvTpe vs. b&0pe
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• soeiAe, o&eiAe, b(2)(0IAI "hook", a derivation from him "to catch fish"201
159
• hw.t-hrw "Hathor (divine name)" > ^d^etflp, b&e(!)p (name of the 3rd month of the
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• pr-b'st.t "house of Bastet (goddess)", a place name > 'TiO'ff'BdXf
165
Sonorants in this sense are <m>, <n>, <r> (/r/ and /l/), <b> /p/, but not 1)1 and /w/. In the
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• ibnw "alum" > soBN /'apn/, b(06eN
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• inhmn (a fruit) >(?) ^pA&N /hr'man/, b(2)epA&N "pomegranate". The words for
167
and as 2ePewoto<; in Greek, > sAeAN03T /com'nut/, b£6>\N0,S,t. The modern Arabic
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nb) "spindle" > a<\B£l /J'Pej/; but without dissimilation bAB<M and, with irregular It,
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nsb "to lick" (since OK) > b^&nCI /'lapsi/ "to bite" (cf. also Arabic v_a~J lasaba "to
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• mrkbt "chariot" (from Semitic, B®5 appendix 5) > ^epeeCOOTTT ~ BpeOOTT,
Syllable structure and phonotactis
193
etymologically, e.g. mini "to land" > sAO0N£, b(&).M)NI; on this cf. Osing (1976a: note
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metathesis in fC€B"°.l /'sewhi/ as opposed to SC&.2,0'8' /'sahu/ (or /'sahw/) < shwr
Vowels
240
• mwt "to die, to kill" > VMMSWT /'muwt/, b.M0OTT /'mowt/
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• pr "house" (since OK) > sAeNe-JT(0p /cang'por/, b£eNe-(£top "roof
241
• iyr "stag" (since NK) > ^(CjfOTfX /a'jul/, b£I(W?V, probably from Semitic *?ajjal-,
…
• Demotic mil "onion" > *AZMK /m'col/, b(e)*AQ)?i~*S(W?v, cf. Arabic J-=j basal
244
HiOS, b(0Otf
245
The nominal plural suffix s-00?re, b-(0O'S"l is irregular. I assume that its form has been
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Bohairic form -C0OTTI was influenced by the plurals in s>b-CuO?T (e.g. s>bp0)O?T
251
b,ne
255
• b& ('baJkV) "servant" > tfiCOK /'Bok/
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• w'b (WbV) "priest" > sOTTHHB /'we:p7, bO-JTHB, <WieiB€ /'wi:p[a]/
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lost (f£S" § 3.14.3), but the final vowel is usually preserved as s-6, b-l (vowel of class 2 as
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mtr.t ('mVtVrtV) "noon" (>? 'mVtVrrV) > sA6ep€ /'me:ra/, b*epi
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• hbsw.t (h[V]b'sawtV) "clothing" > ^BCO) /hg'so/, ^eBOl) (instead of *2[e]BC(0€)
256
• mri.t ('mirVjtV) "to love" > a^ei£ /'meja/ (or /'me:ja/?), b^ei /'mej/ or /'mei/ (for
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preserved as s-a-€, b-0 (vowel class 3 as defined in § 5.8.5):
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• msdr ('masVdrV) "ear" > ms4c (OS* § 3.6.4.4) > s/\dAA6, b^d.«JA
257
s-€, b-0 in this case (US* § 5.8.6.5):
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• bibi (bfVl'JubJV) "hole" (> b[V]'}ubV) > »J*HB /'BeB/
258
4b' "to seal" > sTQXfl6e, bTCl)B~TCl)n.
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feminine gender marker -t > s-€, b-f (e.g. sn.fi "two [fem.]" + -t > sCNT-e /'sntg/,
261
is in contact with them (b&Q'ifCuT /'t[h]wot/ "statue" < twtw written with the aspirate
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• The opinion that Coptic has no glides at all, thus (6)1 and (O)B" always express
Prosody
278
occurrence, and b) the fact that the elements occurred in syntagmatic combination does
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(stressed s'b&. before M is impossible morpheme-internally, E5° § 5.10).
289
9) nominal prefix s'b&T + (nominal or verbal) stem. This prefix forms nouns of negative
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11) relative clause marker s'b€T + verb
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The columns refer to the following graphical features of Coptic (S = Sahidic, B -
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b) use of the complex grapheme f for the sequence /ti/ (as opposed to TI or T£l)
Appendix 1-10
296
b
299
d + b
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p + b
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t + b
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t + b
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k + b
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b + b
…
b + d
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b + z
…
b+f
…
b + s
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b+h
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b + q
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b+b
…
b+g
304
B(0Te
306
B®* § 4.8.6.
310
s.b©On /'kiap/
311
?dbi:b
315
yws?b
320
h?b[hab]
322
b
…
/fait/ "to jump, to run" < sn(l)T, b$(DT "to
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^Aecop, b&ecop
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/han'du:s/ "lizard" < b&M0O?rC "lizard"
327
word B in
328
B.CDK
Selective index, Bibliography, Abbreviations of journals
332
'b
336
B, Nr. 50)
…
Bishai, Wilson B. i960: Notes on the Coptic substratum in Egyptian Arabic, in JAOS 80: 225-
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Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. & Haring, B.J.J. 1994: Egyptians in Neo-Babylonian Sippar, in JCS 46:
339
----- 1967: Grammaire elementaire du Moyen Egyptien, traduite par B. van de Walle et J.
…
im Text, Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr
352
Berlin par B. van der Walle, Bruxelles
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und iibersetzt. Zweite, verbesserte Auflage, 2 volumes, Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner
did not take into account (e.g. Farag 1976, Crum 1902); on the other hand, there is
not a single document which consistently correlates Arabic long and short vowels
with the presumably corresponding Coptic letters. Greenberg (1962: 28f.) comments
on his results as follows:
"The evidence presented here has not been intended merely as a citation of
everything which favours the present thesis, while contrary indications are
ignored. Almost nothing can be found to support the standard theory. No
arguments were originally advanced in its favour. It was simply taken for
granted. A conventional transcription of the Greek alphabet appeared to be
confirmed by Sethe's theory regarding the Coptic vowel system for a period
nearly a millenium earlier than the earliest written Coptic records. This
theory itself is far from certain as regards the length of the vowels in open
syllables. In fact the existing traditional assumption of the length of [e] and
[0] in Coptic probably played an important role in drawing this conclusion
about the earlier period."
• Magnus (1969: 33-40) accepts Vycichl's standpoint and concludes that the distinc-
tion of £, O vs. H, CO is one of quality. In addition to Vycichl's arguments he adduces
1) the medieval transcriptions of Arabic words into Coptic (independently of
Greenberg) and 2) the fact that Greek had no vowel quantity opposition any longer
at the time when the Coptic alphabet was formed.
• Kammerzell (1998b: 159-162) accepts Greenberg's and Magnus's standpoint. While
he adopts their interpretation of O as hi and of CO as /o/, he does not view the opposi-
tion £ vs. H as a low-high distinction (hi - hi) but rather as a front-back distinction
(le/ — til) because many instances of H are derived from original hi (Kg5 § 5.5) and
the sound change /u/ > lei seems to be somewhat unnatural. While I admit the
possibility that the shift /u/ > hi proceeded over an intermediate stage /i/, the fact
that H is indeed the high counterpart of G in Coptic is evidenced by conditioned
phonetic alternations such as those discussed in § 5.6.2 and §§ 5.6.6.2 f.
Most Coptologists have not yet accepted these arguments. Till (1955: § 50) indeed con-
siders the new theory "wahrscheinlich" but keeps the traditional transcription symbols e,
B, o, and 0. Vergote (1973/83: la, § 33f.) cites Kuentz'/ Greenberg's account but does not
make a clear decision on it. Schenkei. (1983a: 194^) accepts the interpretation of the
distinction E, 0 vs. H, CO as one of vowel quality, however in Schenkei, (199a: 70) he
questions it again. Steindorff (1951: 29) and Loprieno (1995: 46) stick to the traditional
interpretation and do not mention the alternative ideas. Hintze (1980: note 50 on page
53) dismisses Greenberg's arguments laconically as "ganz abwegig".
204
not a single document which consistently correlates Arabic long and short vowels
with the presumably corresponding Coptic letters. Greenberg (1962: 28f.) comments
on his results as follows:
"The evidence presented here has not been intended merely as a citation of
everything which favours the present thesis, while contrary indications are
ignored. Almost nothing can be found to support the standard theory. No
arguments were originally advanced in its favour. It was simply taken for
granted. A conventional transcription of the Greek alphabet appeared to be
confirmed by Sethe's theory regarding the Coptic vowel system for a period
nearly a millenium earlier than the earliest written Coptic records. This
theory itself is far from certain as regards the length of the vowels in open
syllables. In fact the existing traditional assumption of the length of [e] and
[0] in Coptic probably played an important role in drawing this conclusion
about the earlier period."
• Magnus (1969: 33-40) accepts Vycichl's standpoint and concludes that the distinc-
tion of £, O vs. H, CO is one of quality. In addition to Vycichl's arguments he adduces
1) the medieval transcriptions of Arabic words into Coptic (independently of
Greenberg) and 2) the fact that Greek had no vowel quantity opposition any longer
at the time when the Coptic alphabet was formed.
• Kammerzell (1998b: 159-162) accepts Greenberg's and Magnus's standpoint. While
he adopts their interpretation of O as hi and of CO as /o/, he does not view the opposi-
tion £ vs. H as a low-high distinction (hi - hi) but rather as a front-back distinction
(le/ — til) because many instances of H are derived from original hi (Kg5 § 5.5) and
the sound change /u/ > lei seems to be somewhat unnatural. While I admit the
possibility that the shift /u/ > hi proceeded over an intermediate stage /i/, the fact
that H is indeed the high counterpart of G in Coptic is evidenced by conditioned
phonetic alternations such as those discussed in § 5.6.2 and §§ 5.6.6.2 f.
Most Coptologists have not yet accepted these arguments. Till (1955: § 50) indeed con-
siders the new theory "wahrscheinlich" but keeps the traditional transcription symbols e,
B, o, and 0. Vergote (1973/83: la, § 33f.) cites Kuentz'/ Greenberg's account but does not
make a clear decision on it. Schenkei. (1983a: 194^) accepts the interpretation of the
distinction E, 0 vs. H, CO as one of vowel quality, however in Schenkei, (199a: 70) he
questions it again. Steindorff (1951: 29) and Loprieno (1995: 46) stick to the traditional
interpretation and do not mention the alternative ideas. Hintze (1980: note 50 on page
53) dismisses Greenberg's arguments laconically as "ganz abwegig".
204