Peust, Carsten
Egyptian phonology: an introduction to the phonology of a dead language
— Göttingen, 1999
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Contents
Introduction
20
/p/ and /b/, this distinction best conforms with the evidence that is presently available
…
into consideration would allow for p and b to be analysed as mere allophones of a single
…
it are simply wrong. For example, the statement that the Coptic successors of p and b
…
/b/, if instead the tonal system was analysed as allophonic.
Basic information about Egyptian
36
Coptic. Sahidic is encoded as S, Bohairic as B, certain subvarieties of Bohairic as B4, Bg
…
left: s Sahidic, b Bohairic, a Akhmimic,' Lycopolitan, f Fayyumic, m Mesokemic.
Consonants
79
<b>
…
least for <b> and <c> there is evidence that they were originally stops. The assignment
…
It is disputed at which time stops of class 3 developed into spirants. I argue that both <b>
84
nants other than stops, such as rhbw "fire" > SA9,(I)B, mhw.t "family" > mA2,e'S"7o, nhr
…
seOOtfT /'thowt/, beC0O3T and hw.t-hrw > soAOGOp /hat'hor/, b&e(i)p (both are originally
85
<b>, cases of confusion can already be observed in the New (or perhaps even Middle)
…
(b),(%d,d,g,q
86
(stative) > b©02- On these cf. Fecht (i960: note 505 on p. i8of.), Osing (1976a: notes 611
…
/n/, ^ HI, p hi, B /p/, (1)1, OV /vff). Thus, the aspirate sign may not only be a representative
…
of the following sonorant (thus XN&.'B' would be spoken something like knnaw). Vycichl
…
• p}i (demonstrative pronoun) > b<j>dJ /'phaj/ in autonomous position but bn<M- /paj-/
92
whether the contrasts /b/ — /p/ and /g/ — /k/ did develop in Late Coptic and were
…
b
…
/b/ in European loan words.
93
b
…
vs. non-aspirate. Arabic voiced d is represented as A; Arabic b is rendered as FT because
…
b
106
• %c.w "treasuries" (since OK) > *ihr.w^ > s&20Xl)p, b^o.(l)p
…
• 'hmw ~ csmw ~ 'hmw "twigs" > b^&Se.A\ (for the Egyptian word see von Deines &
109
• qhqh "to hammer (metal)" > H5dJieq,~s&b&sq,, bA&2Ae9,
…
well as to the Sahidic noun B^TG of indeterminable gender. Both these words are
110
Sethe 1899-1902: I, § 227a), just as it often does preceding <m>, <p>, or <b> (Kg* § 3.16.1):
…
Kingdom, with the Greek name ©npai^ which appears as te-qa- in linear-B texts. The
111
b&©0&f ~d^AOAf, from Semitic *'agalt-, Hoch 1994: no. 100).
…
or one of the consonants <b> or <w>; it seems plausible that these sounds have evoked an
115
b/j/
123
hnd "to tread" > ^(ONT /'hont/, b£)CuNT /'xont/ "to approach"
…
ih r-k "what is to you?; why do you (...)?" > sd,2pO-K /ah'rak/, b&£)0-K (with
133
<b> ibi (> m
…
<b> /p/ ~ [bi
…
<b>/p/
…
There are five Egyptian graphemes for labial consonants: <f>, <b>, <p>, <m>, and <w>. For the
134
(prVpurtV) and b€ITHIT /a'pep/ (month name) < Egyptian ipip (i[V]p'iupV). This IT can in
…
<p> is often not tolerated in direct contact with a dental stop and shifts to Coptic B /fV or
…
B^ITTei "to harm", Bohlig 1954: 47), there is a Bohairic rendering ?veBTON for ^CITTOM
135
For rare cases of a development p > b outside this condition see Osing (1976a: note 461
…
<b> in Egyptian
…
• w'b (w[V]'cabV) "to be pure" (infinitive) > sOTOn /"wop/
…
• w'b.w (wa'VbwV) "to be pure" (stative) > "OTdAB /'wa:p7, 'W&B
…
after single consonants but were retained after consonant clusters. Any /b/ which
…
Traces of the sound shift /b/ > /pi can be found in writing from the New Kingdom on (cf.
136
3.12.5 B 'n Coptic
…
Bohairic seems to have had the peculiarity that 6 was realized as a stop [b] in word-final
…
• qlb "to double" > sKCOB /'kop/, *>KCl)B~Ka>n /'kop/ f'kob]
…
I assume that Bohairic [b] is a phonetic archaism: /b/ usually shifted to /p/ but was
…
consonants: b (= /b/, for IT, <l>, and word-final B), b' (probably = /p/, for word-initial and
…
The bilabial nature of B seems to be confirmed by a sound rule of Sahidic according to
143
Ub.fi (j[V]'JVbVtjV) "east" > sei(e)BT/3]pt/ ~ /'jpt/, b(e)feBT
…
• itp C?atpV) "to load" > sCOTF! /'otp/, b(l)6T
145
bho "hill" (b[V]'kwV) (since MK) > 600V /'p3w/*74
…
3 "big" ("a>V) > s'b-0 fof (in Coptic found in compounds only)
149
• ink (ia'nakV) independent personal pronoun 1st pers. sg. > s'b&NOK /a'nok/
…
1) itrw "river, Nile" > ^lOOp fp:r/, bIOp "canal" and 2) 'i "big" > s>b-0 hi
…
• di.t-w'b- "to cleanse" (with following pronominal suffix) > sTBfiO- /tB'o/, bTO'S'60-
151
• miwt ('mi?VwtV) "to think" (since MK) > s-a^e€?re /'me:w3/, b>\e?TI
…
• snw.t "granary" > bUJ£'B'NI /'Jewni/ (with metathesis)
…
• th.t ('tihtV) "to be drunk" > ^e /'tihe/, b©l3l
158
• htr "span of horses; couple" > ^dvTpe vs. b&0pe
…
• soeiAe, o&eiAe, b(2)(0IAI "hook", a derivation from him "to catch fish"201
159
• hw.t-hrw "Hathor (divine name)" > ^d^etflp, b&e(!)p (name of the 3rd month of the
…
• pr-b'st.t "house of Bastet (goddess)", a place name > 'TiO'ff'BdXf
165
Sonorants in this sense are <m>, <n>, <r> (/r/ and /l/), <b> /p/, but not 1)1 and /w/. In the
…
• ibnw "alum" > soBN /'apn/, b(06eN
…
• inhmn (a fruit) >(?) ^pA&N /hr'man/, b(2)epA&N "pomegranate". The words for
167
and as 2ePewoto<; in Greek, > sAeAN03T /com'nut/, b£6>\N0,S,t. The modern Arabic
…
nb) "spindle" > a<\B£l /J'Pej/; but without dissimilation bAB<M and, with irregular It,
…
nsb "to lick" (since OK) > b^&nCI /'lapsi/ "to bite" (cf. also Arabic v_a~J lasaba "to
…
• mrkbt "chariot" (from Semitic, B®5 appendix 5) > ^epeeCOOTTT ~ BpeOOTT,
Syllable structure and phonotactis
193
etymologically, e.g. mini "to land" > sAO0N£, b(&).M)NI; on this cf. Osing (1976a: note
…
metathesis in fC€B"°.l /'sewhi/ as opposed to SC&.2,0'8' /'sahu/ (or /'sahw/) < shwr
Vowels
240
• mwt "to die, to kill" > VMMSWT /'muwt/, b.M0OTT /'mowt/
…
• pr "house" (since OK) > sAeNe-JT(0p /cang'por/, b£eNe-(£top "roof
241
• iyr "stag" (since NK) > ^(CjfOTfX /a'jul/, b£I(W?V, probably from Semitic *?ajjal-,
…
• Demotic mil "onion" > *AZMK /m'col/, b(e)*AQ)?i~*S(W?v, cf. Arabic J-=j basal
244
HiOS, b(0Otf
245
The nominal plural suffix s-00?re, b-(0O'S"l is irregular. I assume that its form has been
…
Bohairic form -C0OTTI was influenced by the plurals in s>b-CuO?T (e.g. s>bp0)O?T
251
b,ne
255
• b& ('baJkV) "servant" > tfiCOK /'Bok/
…
• w'b (WbV) "priest" > sOTTHHB /'we:p7, bO-JTHB, <WieiB€ /'wi:p[a]/
…
lost (f£S" § 3.14.3), but the final vowel is usually preserved as s-6, b-l (vowel of class 2 as
…
mtr.t ('mVtVrtV) "noon" (>? 'mVtVrrV) > sA6ep€ /'me:ra/, b*epi
…
• hbsw.t (h[V]b'sawtV) "clothing" > ^BCO) /hg'so/, ^eBOl) (instead of *2[e]BC(0€)
256
• mri.t ('mirVjtV) "to love" > a^ei£ /'meja/ (or /'me:ja/?), b^ei /'mej/ or /'mei/ (for
…
preserved as s-a-€, b-0 (vowel class 3 as defined in § 5.8.5):
…
• msdr ('masVdrV) "ear" > ms4c (OS* § 3.6.4.4) > s/\dAA6, b^d.«JA
257
s-€, b-0 in this case (US* § 5.8.6.5):
…
• bibi (bfVl'JubJV) "hole" (> b[V]'}ubV) > »J*HB /'BeB/
258
4b' "to seal" > sTQXfl6e, bTCl)B~TCl)n.
…
feminine gender marker -t > s-€, b-f (e.g. sn.fi "two [fem.]" + -t > sCNT-e /'sntg/,
261
is in contact with them (b&Q'ifCuT /'t[h]wot/ "statue" < twtw written with the aspirate
…
• The opinion that Coptic has no glides at all, thus (6)1 and (O)B" always express
Prosody
278
occurrence, and b) the fact that the elements occurred in syntagmatic combination does
…
(stressed s'b&. before M is impossible morpheme-internally, E5° § 5.10).
289
9) nominal prefix s'b&T + (nominal or verbal) stem. This prefix forms nouns of negative
…
11) relative clause marker s'b€T + verb
…
The columns refer to the following graphical features of Coptic (S = Sahidic, B -
…
b) use of the complex grapheme f for the sequence /ti/ (as opposed to TI or T£l)
Appendix 1-10
296
b
299
d + b
…
p + b
…
t + b
…
t + b
…
k + b
…
b + b
…
b + d
…
b + z
…
b+f
…
b + s
…
b+h
…
b + q
…
b+b
…
b+g
304
B(0Te
306
B®* § 4.8.6.
310
s.b©On /'kiap/
311
?dbi:b
315
yws?b
320
h?b[hab]
322
b
…
/fait/ "to jump, to run" < sn(l)T, b$(DT "to
…
^Aecop, b&ecop
…
/han'du:s/ "lizard" < b&M0O?rC "lizard"
327
word B in
328
B.CDK
Selective index, Bibliography, Abbreviations of journals
332
'b
336
B, Nr. 50)
…
Bishai, Wilson B. i960: Notes on the Coptic substratum in Egyptian Arabic, in JAOS 80: 225-
…
Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. & Haring, B.J.J. 1994: Egyptians in Neo-Babylonian Sippar, in JCS 46:
339
----- 1967: Grammaire elementaire du Moyen Egyptien, traduite par B. van de Walle et J.
…
im Text, Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr
352
Berlin par B. van der Walle, Bruxelles
…
und iibersetzt. Zweite, verbesserte Auflage, 2 volumes, Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner
Egyptian language. I am unable to define a functional difference between these alterna-
tive compound formations. It is possible that still unexplored features of the internal
syntactic or semantic structure of the compound played a role. Vycichl (1990: 252)
suspects that dialectal divergences were responsible.
Some examples of type 1/2 compounds which I consider comparatively certain are cited
below. They are arranged by the date at which they are first attested in combination. This
does not, of course, imply that the process of compounding actually took place at the
indicated time since a) the compound may have been used earlier than its first known
occurrence, and b) the fact that the elements occurred in syntagmatic combination does
not presuppose that they already formed a compound at the time in question.
6.s
Examples
com-
pound
type
Coptic or Greek
transcription
Egyptian
references
ATTESTED FROM THE Old KlNGDOM ON
1 or 2
yexov*45
w'd-WT "sea", lit. "(the) large
blue"
Fecht (i960: 10-12)
2
=€^012 "shepherd"
mr-ih.w, lit. "overseer (of)
cattle"
Fecht (i960: 38)34&
1 or 2
sAfiqe, bJ\enm "Memphis
(city)"
mn-nfr (originally name of
the pyramid of Pepi I, a king
of the late Old Kingdom;
later name of the adjacent
city of Memphis)
Fecht (i960: 43f.)
2
s-bHl* "who?"347
in~m (focalizing particle +
interrogative pronoun)
Fecht (i960: 95)
2
snp&rtm "archive",
M>P&NHJ
pr-'nh, lit. "house (of) life(?)"
Osing (1976a: note
1122 on p. 836f.)348
345 Final d (or ou) reflects /w/ of wt, whereas y reflects /w/ of w>i. We have to read
either /'wetu/ or /wo'tDw/ (or similarly).
346 Vycichl (1983: 42 and 1990: 248) rejects this example, to my mind not convincingly.
347 The first syllable was lost irregularly in the New Kingdom. The focalizer in was re-
duced to n at the same time. This seems to indicate that in-m was still morphologi-
cally analyzable at that time (which is certainly no longer the case in Coptic).
348 For Old Kingdom attestations oipr-'nh and for the general meaning of this term see
Gardiner (1938: 160). The Bohairic form only occurs in the compound ''C-^p&.NUJ
"dream interpreter" where the etymology of the first element is disputed. There is
also doubt about the meaning and the grammatical form of the element cnh. On these
questions see Lucchesi (1975) and Vycichl (1983: i94f.). Osing convincingly argues
that the stressed vowel -\- must be a part of pr no matter which form cnh may be
(stressed s'b&. before M is impossible morpheme-internally, E5° § 5.10).
278
tive compound formations. It is possible that still unexplored features of the internal
syntactic or semantic structure of the compound played a role. Vycichl (1990: 252)
suspects that dialectal divergences were responsible.
Some examples of type 1/2 compounds which I consider comparatively certain are cited
below. They are arranged by the date at which they are first attested in combination. This
does not, of course, imply that the process of compounding actually took place at the
indicated time since a) the compound may have been used earlier than its first known
occurrence, and b) the fact that the elements occurred in syntagmatic combination does
not presuppose that they already formed a compound at the time in question.
6.s
Examples
com-
pound
type
Coptic or Greek
transcription
Egyptian
references
ATTESTED FROM THE Old KlNGDOM ON
1 or 2
yexov*45
w'd-WT "sea", lit. "(the) large
blue"
Fecht (i960: 10-12)
2
=€^012 "shepherd"
mr-ih.w, lit. "overseer (of)
cattle"
Fecht (i960: 38)34&
1 or 2
sAfiqe, bJ\enm "Memphis
(city)"
mn-nfr (originally name of
the pyramid of Pepi I, a king
of the late Old Kingdom;
later name of the adjacent
city of Memphis)
Fecht (i960: 43f.)
2
s-bHl* "who?"347
in~m (focalizing particle +
interrogative pronoun)
Fecht (i960: 95)
2
snp&rtm "archive",
M>P&NHJ
pr-'nh, lit. "house (of) life(?)"
Osing (1976a: note
1122 on p. 836f.)348
345 Final d (or ou) reflects /w/ of wt, whereas y reflects /w/ of w>i. We have to read
either /'wetu/ or /wo'tDw/ (or similarly).
346 Vycichl (1983: 42 and 1990: 248) rejects this example, to my mind not convincingly.
347 The first syllable was lost irregularly in the New Kingdom. The focalizer in was re-
duced to n at the same time. This seems to indicate that in-m was still morphologi-
cally analyzable at that time (which is certainly no longer the case in Coptic).
348 For Old Kingdom attestations oipr-'nh and for the general meaning of this term see
Gardiner (1938: 160). The Bohairic form only occurs in the compound ''C-^p&.NUJ
"dream interpreter" where the etymology of the first element is disputed. There is
also doubt about the meaning and the grammatical form of the element cnh. On these
questions see Lucchesi (1975) and Vycichl (1983: i94f.). Osing convincingly argues
that the stressed vowel -\- must be a part of pr no matter which form cnh may be
(stressed s'b&. before M is impossible morpheme-internally, E5° § 5.10).
278