Potter, John; Anthon, Charles [Editor]: Archaeologia Graeca or the antiquities of Greece (New York, 1825)

26

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GRECIAN STATES.

republic, he received from the people a crown. But if he had been negligent in the
discharge of his office, or had incurred the displeasure of his constituents, he was
refused this hoDour, and prevented from obtaining any influence in the govern-
ment. This open manner of testifying their approbation or dislike of the con-
duct of their representatives, gave the people, in the virtuous days of the re-
public, a security that very few of them would be found daring enough to of-
fend against public opinion. From the authority, however, which the people en-
joyed, and the control they had over the senate by their annual elections, it is plain
that no body, c nstituted as it was, could have the power of free deliberation, as the
sentiments of their constituents expressed in the public assemblies, or in the speeches
of the demagogues who guided them," must have secretly influenced all their opinions.
Had they been less controlled by the ignorant populace, who were often pushed upon
the most ruinous and disgraceful measures by pretended patriots, they wouid have
ensured, in all probability, the safety and honour of the government. But Solon
left the multitude in the enjoyment of too much liberty, which enabled them to undo
all his other wise regulations, and to make the other parts of the government only a
name. Were the people of this country, with the privileges they possess, allowed to
elect th ir representatives annually for the great council of the nation, what would
likely be the consequence ? Among themselves riots and disorders, inflamed by de-
signing men, who, knowing the proneness of the people to suspicion, and their con-
stant habit of judging actions by their results, take every occasion to awaken their
suspicion, to excite their discontent, by directing their attention to unfortunate events,
without once examining the causes that produced them, and to set themselves off by
professions of devotedness to their interest, while their sole aim would be to aggran-
dize themselves. Among their representatives, a timid subserviency to all their pre-
judices, passions and opinions; a constant endeavour to study their humour, without
once daring to consult for the public good of the nation, and a perpetual war of
words and vile recrimination of abuse, was the surest and most effectual recommen-
dation to the favour of their constituents. Such was a picture of the Athenian
government occasioned through the excess of liberty, and such would be the prac-
tice in our own, were we, with some inconsiderate or ill designing men, to adopt the
errors and deiects of the most renowned republican constitution in all antiquity.

It will be evident from the account given of the assemblies of the people *, that
the supreme power was lodged with them, notwithstanding the privileges and autho-
rity of the senate. It was there that war or peace was determined, foreign ambassa-
dors t received, taxes imposed, strangers invested with the rights of citizenship, and
rewards decreed to those who had served their country. Though Solon had enacted
that every measure should originate with the senate |, yet the people upon some oc-
casions paid no regard to their authority, but substituted other prepositions, framed
by their orators, in their stead, and when the presidents ref used to put the vote, either
compelled them by threats and tumults, or appointed others in their place more obse-
quious to their will. As he power of the senate was derived from the people and
terminated in them, the government, though apparently of a mixed kind, was essen-
tially democratical, there being no sufficient line of distinction provided by the con-
stitution to separate men of property, experience and talents from the rabble, and to
make their weight and authority permanently felt and acknowledged in the state.
The popular assemblies, in consequence of the power they exercised, were common-
ly guided by men who found it their interest to cultivate eloquence to the utmost,
that they might attain an empire over the opinions of the multitude. In this way
they rose to notice, eminence and power, swayed the minds of their countrymen, and
often became the arbiters of Greece. Though some of them, particularly Pericles
and Demosthenes, were men of vast abilities, they constantly found the assemblies of
the people, notwithstanding the hold which they had of them, excessively tardy, and
ill calculated for measures that required celer.ty, secrecy and previous preparation.
Nothing gave Philip of Macedon so great a superiority over his neighbours as the
freedom with which he acted, and the promptitude of all his measures which were
taken upon the emergency, without the necessity of being canvassed by a fluctuating
assembly, or of receiving their sanction after the season for action was past. As pri-
vate interest also mingled with most of their public concerns, the laws were some-
times strained to an undue pitch, at other times relaxed in their severity, according

* Antiquities, p. 81.

f In the first instance they were introduced to the Prytane^.

\ It would have been much better if they had had a negative upon the decreesof the people,
but that would have been contrary to the principles of a democracy.