DOI article:
Gawlikowski, Michał: The Roman army in Palmyra under the Tiberius
DOI Page / Citation link:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.26422#0054
Michal Gawlikowski
inscription.11 know only one other example of such syntax in a funerary context, in which the influ-
ence of honorific monuments seems highly probable (the likenesses of the dead were sculpted on
a column in this case) (Gatier 2005: 77-97, esp. 82). Our stele belongs to a well represented type of
Hellenistic origin. Even if the naïskoi of Southern Syria are more often shrines than funerary monu-
ments (cf. Arnaud 1986: 373-386), there are early examples of similar tombstones in Apamea and
elsewhere (cf. e.g. Baity 1981: 201), although not in Palmyra.
The name of the deceased, Mabogaios, means "One of Mabbôg", that is from Hierapolis, called
by the Aramaic name of this site of the great sanctuary of Atargatis. Needless to say, the name is
not proof of our soldier being a native of the place, but more surely a sign of devotion to the "Syrian
Goddess" of Mabbôg-Hierapolis.2 His two older colleagues bear typically Arabic names AiTamu
and Taymu, transcribed as Anamos and Thaimos, both common in Syria.3 The self-description of the
two as epitropoi is unusual (normally, the term is translated as the Latin procurator), but the meaning
in this case seems clear: Anamos and Thaimos were soldiers responsible for the training of a new
conscript.
The early date of the inscription makes for its main interest in the local context. In fact, there is
only one earlier testimony of Roman military presence in Palmyra, an inscription of Minucius Rufus,
legatus of the legio X Fretensis, dedicating the statues of Tiberius, Germanicus and Drusus in the Bel
temple.4 This dedication must have occurred during Germanicus' stay in Syria, that is, in AD 18-19. It
is generally thought, after H. Seyrig, that this monument marked the annexation of Palmyra into the
province. On that occasion, the legionary commander probably visited the oasis with some troops,
but there is no proof of a fixed garrison having been left there.
Strictly speaking, our monument in itself is not proof either. An auxiliary unit or a part of it
could have stayed in Palmyra on some consignment for a short while, and a soldier happened to
pass away. However, this massive tombstone would rather suggest a permanent presence of the
troop, even if no other soldiers are on record for over a century to come. After all, only six military
tombstones were found in Palmyra up to date, while the stationing of the Roman garrison is well
documented from AD 167.5
More importantly, this is the earliest mention of this unit, and indeed of any auxiliary
unit recruited in Syria.6 There are on record two of them levied originally in Damascus.7 One is
cohors I Flavia Damascenorum milliaria equitata sagittariorum, so a double regiment of archers, partly
mounted. The name Flavia suggests the unit was formed under Vespasian to fight in the Jewish
war, but all available evidence points to its continuous presence in Upper Germany since at least
AD 90 but certainly after 82; it would have been transferred there soon after the war ended. This
cohort need not concern us here.
The other Damascene cohort had no dynastic surname and for this reason always appeared
as recruited earlier, even if attested later.8 A prefect of the cohors prima Damascenorum, C. Cornelius
Minicianus, retired to Bergomum in Italy; he could be identical with a friend of Pliny the Younger,
recommended by him to the governor of Judaea in AD 106/107.9 The presence of the cohors
1 Inv. IX 11-12, dated AD 24 and 25: Md/.r/pv | auvoiac svsKa .
2 The name Mabogaios: inscription in Damascus National Museum no. 243, cf. R. Mouterde in SEG VII 229; Abdul Hak
1951: 72. Aurelius Mambogaeus (P. Dura 97,18) and Mombogjaeus] Themarsa (P. Dura 82 II19) were two soldiers of the
cohors XX Palmyrenorum in the 3rd century. For the variants of the name in Syria, see Lightfoot 2003: 56-57; another new
case shall be published shortly by J. Aliquot, IGLS XI 22 (cf. also IGLS XI, 20, 36, A/2). I thank Julien Aliquot for having
provided this information.
3 Both names appear very often in southern Syria, cf. Sartre 1985:177-178 and 204-205. For Anamos, cf. Wuthnow 1930: 21;
Stark 1971: 6, 70 (only one example, PNO 57). For Thaimos, cf. Wuthnow 1930: 52; Stark 1971: 54-55,117 (very popular in
Palmyra).
4 Seyrig 1932: 266-275; Inv. IX, 2. Cf. Will 1985: 268-269.
5 Seyrig 1933:152-168. Holder 1980:159, cites in Syria only five lst-century military tombstones, including three from Gerasa
and one from Bazuriyeh near Palmyra (Seyrig 1933:166 = AE 1933, 215).
6 Cf. Dqbrowa 1986: 93-108 (102, note 1): two auxiliary units stationed in Syria under Augustus; Dqbrowa 1979: 233-254,
listing 12 cohorts about AD 60.
7 Spaul 2000: 432-433.
8 Spaul 2000: 432; Russel 1995: (history of the cohort, 84-87); Eck and Pangerl 2005:101.
9 CIL V 5126; ILS 2722. Cf. Russel 1995: 84-85, resuming the discussion on the case, not relevant here.
50
Studia Palmyrenskie XI
inscription.11 know only one other example of such syntax in a funerary context, in which the influ-
ence of honorific monuments seems highly probable (the likenesses of the dead were sculpted on
a column in this case) (Gatier 2005: 77-97, esp. 82). Our stele belongs to a well represented type of
Hellenistic origin. Even if the naïskoi of Southern Syria are more often shrines than funerary monu-
ments (cf. Arnaud 1986: 373-386), there are early examples of similar tombstones in Apamea and
elsewhere (cf. e.g. Baity 1981: 201), although not in Palmyra.
The name of the deceased, Mabogaios, means "One of Mabbôg", that is from Hierapolis, called
by the Aramaic name of this site of the great sanctuary of Atargatis. Needless to say, the name is
not proof of our soldier being a native of the place, but more surely a sign of devotion to the "Syrian
Goddess" of Mabbôg-Hierapolis.2 His two older colleagues bear typically Arabic names AiTamu
and Taymu, transcribed as Anamos and Thaimos, both common in Syria.3 The self-description of the
two as epitropoi is unusual (normally, the term is translated as the Latin procurator), but the meaning
in this case seems clear: Anamos and Thaimos were soldiers responsible for the training of a new
conscript.
The early date of the inscription makes for its main interest in the local context. In fact, there is
only one earlier testimony of Roman military presence in Palmyra, an inscription of Minucius Rufus,
legatus of the legio X Fretensis, dedicating the statues of Tiberius, Germanicus and Drusus in the Bel
temple.4 This dedication must have occurred during Germanicus' stay in Syria, that is, in AD 18-19. It
is generally thought, after H. Seyrig, that this monument marked the annexation of Palmyra into the
province. On that occasion, the legionary commander probably visited the oasis with some troops,
but there is no proof of a fixed garrison having been left there.
Strictly speaking, our monument in itself is not proof either. An auxiliary unit or a part of it
could have stayed in Palmyra on some consignment for a short while, and a soldier happened to
pass away. However, this massive tombstone would rather suggest a permanent presence of the
troop, even if no other soldiers are on record for over a century to come. After all, only six military
tombstones were found in Palmyra up to date, while the stationing of the Roman garrison is well
documented from AD 167.5
More importantly, this is the earliest mention of this unit, and indeed of any auxiliary
unit recruited in Syria.6 There are on record two of them levied originally in Damascus.7 One is
cohors I Flavia Damascenorum milliaria equitata sagittariorum, so a double regiment of archers, partly
mounted. The name Flavia suggests the unit was formed under Vespasian to fight in the Jewish
war, but all available evidence points to its continuous presence in Upper Germany since at least
AD 90 but certainly after 82; it would have been transferred there soon after the war ended. This
cohort need not concern us here.
The other Damascene cohort had no dynastic surname and for this reason always appeared
as recruited earlier, even if attested later.8 A prefect of the cohors prima Damascenorum, C. Cornelius
Minicianus, retired to Bergomum in Italy; he could be identical with a friend of Pliny the Younger,
recommended by him to the governor of Judaea in AD 106/107.9 The presence of the cohors
1 Inv. IX 11-12, dated AD 24 and 25: Md/.r/pv | auvoiac svsKa .
2 The name Mabogaios: inscription in Damascus National Museum no. 243, cf. R. Mouterde in SEG VII 229; Abdul Hak
1951: 72. Aurelius Mambogaeus (P. Dura 97,18) and Mombogjaeus] Themarsa (P. Dura 82 II19) were two soldiers of the
cohors XX Palmyrenorum in the 3rd century. For the variants of the name in Syria, see Lightfoot 2003: 56-57; another new
case shall be published shortly by J. Aliquot, IGLS XI 22 (cf. also IGLS XI, 20, 36, A/2). I thank Julien Aliquot for having
provided this information.
3 Both names appear very often in southern Syria, cf. Sartre 1985:177-178 and 204-205. For Anamos, cf. Wuthnow 1930: 21;
Stark 1971: 6, 70 (only one example, PNO 57). For Thaimos, cf. Wuthnow 1930: 52; Stark 1971: 54-55,117 (very popular in
Palmyra).
4 Seyrig 1932: 266-275; Inv. IX, 2. Cf. Will 1985: 268-269.
5 Seyrig 1933:152-168. Holder 1980:159, cites in Syria only five lst-century military tombstones, including three from Gerasa
and one from Bazuriyeh near Palmyra (Seyrig 1933:166 = AE 1933, 215).
6 Cf. Dqbrowa 1986: 93-108 (102, note 1): two auxiliary units stationed in Syria under Augustus; Dqbrowa 1979: 233-254,
listing 12 cohorts about AD 60.
7 Spaul 2000: 432-433.
8 Spaul 2000: 432; Russel 1995: (history of the cohort, 84-87); Eck and Pangerl 2005:101.
9 CIL V 5126; ILS 2722. Cf. Russel 1995: 84-85, resuming the discussion on the case, not relevant here.
50
Studia Palmyrenskie XI