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DOI Artikel:Dobrzeniecki, Tadeusz; Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie [Mitarb.]: St. Anne from Faras in the National Museum in Warsaw
DOI Seite / Zitierlink: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.18903#0066
Varied meanings of the gesture are conveyed by Roman Harpocrates, calling for silence with
the words Favete linguis (Fig. 13)2C, and the Roman allegory of the virtue of taciturnitas, discre-
tion, which obliges one to keep secrets".
An ivory reliąuary (Lipsanotheca) features a scenę of the Betrayal of Christ according to John
(Fig. 14)28. Armed Roman soldiers approach from the right. Their leader points out at Jesus
who, aware of all that is to happen to Him, comes out to meet them and says: „I am he". The
Evangelist's purpose was to introduce the revelation formuła „I am he", which signifies con-
frontation between God in human shape, Jesus, and the forces of Evil represented by Judas
and his patrons. The revelation formuła is underlined by the dignified posturę of Christ making
a gesture of silence, and His deliberate steps to meet the Evil. Jesus also assumes the same silent
attitude, when confronted with Pilate29.
The history of the Evangelists' portraits begins with the representation of St. Lukę in an
Evangeliary surviving in fragments, executed in Rome towards the close of the 6th century,
and brought by the missionaries to St. Augustine's Abbey in Cambridge in 596 (Fig. 15)30. The
Evangelist, being the central figurę, is seated frontally against the background of a niche and
surrounded by a sumptuously shaped portal (Porta Regia, scenae frons in Roman theatre),
with two remarkable pairs of marble columns separated by intercolumnia filled with a two-part
cycle of twelves Evangelic scenes. The Evangelist sits in a dignified posturę, meditating, his
wide open eyes looking into the distance, his chin resting on his right hand, while his left hand
points at an open book. The depiction of the Evangelist imitates the official Roman portrait of
a meditating Poet, seated frontally and holding his attribute, a written scroll, as he is, being
inspired by the Muses. Lukę is characterised as an Evangelist only, not as an inspired author of
the work he has written31.
26. Rome, Musei Capitolini, formerly Tivoli, Villa Adriana; 1,58 m high.
27. An alabaster fignre of the lst half of the 18th century from Upper Italy (Torino?), 75 cm high, Museuni fur Kunst und
Gewerbe in Hamburg, 1972, p. 200, No 114 of Catalogue — an elegant young woman in costume idealized a 1'Antioue
holds a serpent — the attribute of the virttis of Prudence (Prudentia), mentioned in the Gospel of St. Matthew X, 16:
Eslote prudentes sicut serpentes. In his Dialogus miraculorum (dist. 5, cap. 39) Caesarins of Heisterbacb writes: Digitum
superponens ori suo significavit non licere loąui sibi. On the Roman sarcophagus Prometheus tries to touch with hisleft-
hand the model of man, made of clay, while the forefinger of bis right hand covers his mouth. This is the gesture of embar-
rassment made because of impossibility to give life to his sculptured creation — I quotc after H. Schade, „Das Paradies
und die Imago Dei. EiDe Studie iiber die fruhmittelaltcrlichen Darstellungen von der Erschaffung des Menschen ais Beispiele
einer sakramentalen Kunst in Wandlungen des Paradiesischen und utopischen Kunst", Studien zum Bild eines Ideals,
Berlin, 1966, p. 79—182, Fig. 38, p. 146—156: die Erschaffung Adams und das Vorbild der Prometheus-Sarkophage.
28. Brescia, Museo Civico, 2nd half of the 4th century: R. Delbrueck, „Probleme der Lipsanothek in Brescia", Theophaneia,
7, Bonn, 1950.
29. In the mosaic cycle of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome (432—440), the three Magi seeking the new born Jewish King are stand-
ing in front of Herodes, who tells them about his similar desire to give honour to the Child. One of the Magi holds up his
right forefinger, doubting in such a way — together with his companions — about the veracity of Herode; G. Schiller,
Ikonographie der chrisllichen Kunst, I, Guttersloeh, 1966, fig. 250; J. Wilpert, W. N. Schumacher, Die rómischen Mosaiken
der kirchlichen Baulen vom 4.—12. Jht., Freiburg-Basel-Wien, 1916/1976, p. 31-7—318, pl. 59, 60; For Adam's gesture
of sadness as well as that of Eve after leaving Paradise see L. Kótzsche-Breitenbruch, „Die neue Katakombe an der Via
Latina, Untersuchungen zur Ikonographie der altestamentlichen Wandmalereien", Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christenlum,
ErgSnzungsband, IV, 1976, p. 48—49, pl. 3a.
30. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Ms 286, fol. 129 b. Fr. Wormald, The Miniatures in the Gospels of St. Augustine, Cam-
bridge, 1954, pl. II, VII; a valuable help in disseussing this problem was the study of H. Hollander, Das abendlandische
Evangelislenbild im Friihen Mittelalalter. Habil.-Schrift. Phil. Fak., Tubingen, 1964 — I owe the knowledge of this work
to the generous help of its Author. Previously the Evangelists' portraits in Greek and Latin Manuscripts werc studied
by A. M. Friend Jr, „The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek and Latin Manuscripts", Art Studiest V, 1921, p. 115—147;
ibid. VII, 1929, p. 3—29.
31. K. Weitzmann, Lale Antiąue and Early Christian Book Illuslration, London, 1974, p. 115, pl. 42: such a type of Lukę
in one of the earliest, it does not survive in any Greek portrait of the Evangclist and is known from the Armenian Gospel
56
the words Favete linguis (Fig. 13)2C, and the Roman allegory of the virtue of taciturnitas, discre-
tion, which obliges one to keep secrets".
An ivory reliąuary (Lipsanotheca) features a scenę of the Betrayal of Christ according to John
(Fig. 14)28. Armed Roman soldiers approach from the right. Their leader points out at Jesus
who, aware of all that is to happen to Him, comes out to meet them and says: „I am he". The
Evangelist's purpose was to introduce the revelation formuła „I am he", which signifies con-
frontation between God in human shape, Jesus, and the forces of Evil represented by Judas
and his patrons. The revelation formuła is underlined by the dignified posturę of Christ making
a gesture of silence, and His deliberate steps to meet the Evil. Jesus also assumes the same silent
attitude, when confronted with Pilate29.
The history of the Evangelists' portraits begins with the representation of St. Lukę in an
Evangeliary surviving in fragments, executed in Rome towards the close of the 6th century,
and brought by the missionaries to St. Augustine's Abbey in Cambridge in 596 (Fig. 15)30. The
Evangelist, being the central figurę, is seated frontally against the background of a niche and
surrounded by a sumptuously shaped portal (Porta Regia, scenae frons in Roman theatre),
with two remarkable pairs of marble columns separated by intercolumnia filled with a two-part
cycle of twelves Evangelic scenes. The Evangelist sits in a dignified posturę, meditating, his
wide open eyes looking into the distance, his chin resting on his right hand, while his left hand
points at an open book. The depiction of the Evangelist imitates the official Roman portrait of
a meditating Poet, seated frontally and holding his attribute, a written scroll, as he is, being
inspired by the Muses. Lukę is characterised as an Evangelist only, not as an inspired author of
the work he has written31.
26. Rome, Musei Capitolini, formerly Tivoli, Villa Adriana; 1,58 m high.
27. An alabaster fignre of the lst half of the 18th century from Upper Italy (Torino?), 75 cm high, Museuni fur Kunst und
Gewerbe in Hamburg, 1972, p. 200, No 114 of Catalogue — an elegant young woman in costume idealized a 1'Antioue
holds a serpent — the attribute of the virttis of Prudence (Prudentia), mentioned in the Gospel of St. Matthew X, 16:
Eslote prudentes sicut serpentes. In his Dialogus miraculorum (dist. 5, cap. 39) Caesarins of Heisterbacb writes: Digitum
superponens ori suo significavit non licere loąui sibi. On the Roman sarcophagus Prometheus tries to touch with hisleft-
hand the model of man, made of clay, while the forefinger of bis right hand covers his mouth. This is the gesture of embar-
rassment made because of impossibility to give life to his sculptured creation — I quotc after H. Schade, „Das Paradies
und die Imago Dei. EiDe Studie iiber die fruhmittelaltcrlichen Darstellungen von der Erschaffung des Menschen ais Beispiele
einer sakramentalen Kunst in Wandlungen des Paradiesischen und utopischen Kunst", Studien zum Bild eines Ideals,
Berlin, 1966, p. 79—182, Fig. 38, p. 146—156: die Erschaffung Adams und das Vorbild der Prometheus-Sarkophage.
28. Brescia, Museo Civico, 2nd half of the 4th century: R. Delbrueck, „Probleme der Lipsanothek in Brescia", Theophaneia,
7, Bonn, 1950.
29. In the mosaic cycle of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome (432—440), the three Magi seeking the new born Jewish King are stand-
ing in front of Herodes, who tells them about his similar desire to give honour to the Child. One of the Magi holds up his
right forefinger, doubting in such a way — together with his companions — about the veracity of Herode; G. Schiller,
Ikonographie der chrisllichen Kunst, I, Guttersloeh, 1966, fig. 250; J. Wilpert, W. N. Schumacher, Die rómischen Mosaiken
der kirchlichen Baulen vom 4.—12. Jht., Freiburg-Basel-Wien, 1916/1976, p. 31-7—318, pl. 59, 60; For Adam's gesture
of sadness as well as that of Eve after leaving Paradise see L. Kótzsche-Breitenbruch, „Die neue Katakombe an der Via
Latina, Untersuchungen zur Ikonographie der altestamentlichen Wandmalereien", Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christenlum,
ErgSnzungsband, IV, 1976, p. 48—49, pl. 3a.
30. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Ms 286, fol. 129 b. Fr. Wormald, The Miniatures in the Gospels of St. Augustine, Cam-
bridge, 1954, pl. II, VII; a valuable help in disseussing this problem was the study of H. Hollander, Das abendlandische
Evangelislenbild im Friihen Mittelalalter. Habil.-Schrift. Phil. Fak., Tubingen, 1964 — I owe the knowledge of this work
to the generous help of its Author. Previously the Evangelists' portraits in Greek and Latin Manuscripts werc studied
by A. M. Friend Jr, „The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek and Latin Manuscripts", Art Studiest V, 1921, p. 115—147;
ibid. VII, 1929, p. 3—29.
31. K. Weitzmann, Lale Antiąue and Early Christian Book Illuslration, London, 1974, p. 115, pl. 42: such a type of Lukę
in one of the earliest, it does not survive in any Greek portrait of the Evangclist and is known from the Armenian Gospel
56