[MAGES OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN EXTERNAL GENTES.
undoubtedly proves the popularity and significance of this motif. The money issued
by the imperial mints were the strongest propaganda tool due to its universality, mass
occurrence and wide distribution, although they also had some limitations stemming
from the limited space for placing figural representations on it. Military successes and
the subordination of new territories was one of the main tasks of the emperors, which
is why this theme appeared as often as possible.5 Not surprisingly, the popularity
and frequent appearance of barbarian figures in Roman coinages is not surprising.
Images of foreign peoples in the iconography of Roman coins have already
been a subject of study, but usually in a general, cross-sectional outline, with papers
on this subject by A. Caló Levi, E. Demougeot and C. Heitz.6 Also noteworthy
are the much more detailed articles of A. Kluczek, devoted to the image of an
alien-enemy on the example of the coinage of Aurelian and the imaginations of
eastern peoples in the political propaganda of Roman emperors of the Antonine
dynasty, as well as an article by W. Kaczanowicz, devoted to the propaganda of
the conquest policy during the reign of Trajan.7 On the pages of the present text
we focus on issues of the latter emperor, although in order to compare and present
the transformations of imagining individual peoples, we will refer to older coinages
and other monuments from the era. The main purpose of this approach will be
a general attempt to characterize the coinage of the Trajan era in the context of
the images of Dacian and Germanic externae gentes, and to answer the following
questions: what was the purpose of using the image of an alien-enemy and what
were the representations of Central European barbarians in the Trajan era? Were
only men, warriors and rulers, represented on the coins or were women and children
included as well? What did these images symbolize? How are they different from
images known from previous issues? Did similar types of depictions appear also in
later periods, or are they only a special sign of the coinage of Trajan’s day?
Marcus Ulpius Trajan’s successes in both internal and external politics meant
that he was accorded the title of Best Emperor (Optimus Princeps) by the senate.
The victories in many fields were used by the Emperor on an unprecedented scale -
they were referred to in every field of art, proclaiming the personal merits of the ruler.
Numerous references to the emperor’s war achievements give a large sample for
comparison, which allows us to take a closer look at the issue of using the images of
barbarians in creating imperial propaganda that is of utmost interest for us.8 Coins
struck by Trajan which meet the characteristics of the type can be divided into two
5 On the value of coins as a carrier of ideology, see HANNESTAD 1988: 11; THOMPSON 2007: 53.
6 CALÓ LEVI 1952; DEMOUGEOT 1984; HEITZ 2006.
7 KLUCZEK 2007; EADEM 2005; KACZANOWICZ 1976.
8 The creation of Trajan’s imperial ideology was described in more detail by BENNET 1997: 64-74;
MUSIELAK 1979: 119-130.
95
undoubtedly proves the popularity and significance of this motif. The money issued
by the imperial mints were the strongest propaganda tool due to its universality, mass
occurrence and wide distribution, although they also had some limitations stemming
from the limited space for placing figural representations on it. Military successes and
the subordination of new territories was one of the main tasks of the emperors, which
is why this theme appeared as often as possible.5 Not surprisingly, the popularity
and frequent appearance of barbarian figures in Roman coinages is not surprising.
Images of foreign peoples in the iconography of Roman coins have already
been a subject of study, but usually in a general, cross-sectional outline, with papers
on this subject by A. Caló Levi, E. Demougeot and C. Heitz.6 Also noteworthy
are the much more detailed articles of A. Kluczek, devoted to the image of an
alien-enemy on the example of the coinage of Aurelian and the imaginations of
eastern peoples in the political propaganda of Roman emperors of the Antonine
dynasty, as well as an article by W. Kaczanowicz, devoted to the propaganda of
the conquest policy during the reign of Trajan.7 On the pages of the present text
we focus on issues of the latter emperor, although in order to compare and present
the transformations of imagining individual peoples, we will refer to older coinages
and other monuments from the era. The main purpose of this approach will be
a general attempt to characterize the coinage of the Trajan era in the context of
the images of Dacian and Germanic externae gentes, and to answer the following
questions: what was the purpose of using the image of an alien-enemy and what
were the representations of Central European barbarians in the Trajan era? Were
only men, warriors and rulers, represented on the coins or were women and children
included as well? What did these images symbolize? How are they different from
images known from previous issues? Did similar types of depictions appear also in
later periods, or are they only a special sign of the coinage of Trajan’s day?
Marcus Ulpius Trajan’s successes in both internal and external politics meant
that he was accorded the title of Best Emperor (Optimus Princeps) by the senate.
The victories in many fields were used by the Emperor on an unprecedented scale -
they were referred to in every field of art, proclaiming the personal merits of the ruler.
Numerous references to the emperor’s war achievements give a large sample for
comparison, which allows us to take a closer look at the issue of using the images of
barbarians in creating imperial propaganda that is of utmost interest for us.8 Coins
struck by Trajan which meet the characteristics of the type can be divided into two
5 On the value of coins as a carrier of ideology, see HANNESTAD 1988: 11; THOMPSON 2007: 53.
6 CALÓ LEVI 1952; DEMOUGEOT 1984; HEITZ 2006.
7 KLUCZEK 2007; EADEM 2005; KACZANOWICZ 1976.
8 The creation of Trajan’s imperial ideology was described in more detail by BENNET 1997: 64-74;
MUSIELAK 1979: 119-130.
95