DOI Seite / Zitierlink:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16609#0005
Jttlnhuttott*
VOLUME XXII.--JANUARY TO JUNE, 1852.
THE RUSSELL CABINET.—1852.
First Lord of the Treasury . . Lord John Russell.
Lord Chancellor . . . . Lord Truro.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Sir C. Wood.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Earl of Carlisle.
President of the Council . . Marquis op Lansdowne.
Lord Privy Seal . . . . Earl op Minto.
Home Office .... Sir George Grey.
Foreign Office..... Earl Granville
Colonial Office .... Earl Grey.
Admiralty..... Sir Francis Thornhill Baring.
Board of Trade .... Mr. H. Labouchere.
Board of Control . . . . Right Hon. Fox Maule.
Postmaster-General . . . Marquis of Clanricarde.
First Commissioner of Works, &c. Lord Seymour.
THE DERBY CABINET—1852.
First Lord of the Treasury . Earl of Derby.
Lord Chancellor . . . . Lord St. Lkonards.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli
President of the Council . . . Earl of Lonsdale.
Privy Seal..... Marquis of Salisbury.
Home Office..... Right Hon. Spencer H. Walpole.
Foreign Office .... Earl of Malmesbury.
Colonial Office • . Sir John Somerset Pakington.
Admiralty..... Duke op Northumberland.
Board of Trade... . Right Hon J. Warner Henley
Board of Control .... Right Hon. John C. Herries.
Postmaster-General . ... Earl of Hardwicke.
First Commissioner of Works, &c. Lord John J. R. Manners.
page
POLITICAL SUMMARY.
'"PHE condition of England at the commencement of 1852
was most satisfactory. Trade was brisk and prosperous,
the labouring population well employed, and even the agri-
cultural community less noisy and grumbling than it had been
for some years past. The large supplies of gold from Australia
and California added to the general prosperity, and although
the condition of France gave much uneasiness to the friends of
peace in England, we were on satisfactory relations with all the
world excepting the Kaffirs in South Africa, and with whom a
lingering and vexatious war continued.
The political horizon, however, was not unclouded. A
serious difference had arisen in the Cabinet between the Prime
Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and
resulted in the dismissal even of Lord Palmerston. The cause
of this disruption was thus explained in the House of Commons
by Lord John Russell, and requires to be given somewhat
at length:—
" It will be right, said the noble Lord, that I should first state to the House
what I conceive to be the position which a Secretary of State holds as regards
the Crown in the administration of foreign affairs, and as regards the Prime
Minister of this country. With respect to the first, I should state that when
the Grown, in consequence of a vote of the House of Commons, places its
constittitional confidence in a Minister, that Minister is, on the other hand,
bound to afford to the Crown the most frank and full detail of every measure
that is taken, or to leave to the Crown its full liberty, a liberty which the
Crown must possess, of saying that the Minister no longer possesses its con-
fidence. Such I hold to be the general doctrine. But, as regards the noble
Lord, it did so happen that in August, 1850, the precise terms were laid down
in a communication on the part of Her Majesty with respect to the transac-
tion of business between the Crown and the Secretary of State. I became
the organ of making that communication to my noble friend, and thus
became responsible for the document 1 am about to read from. I shall refer
only to that part of the document which has reference to the immediate
Bubject:—
" ' The Queen requires, first, that Lord Palmerston will distinctly state
what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as dis-
tinctly to what she is giving her Royal sanction. Secondly, having once
given her sanction to a measure, that it may be not arbitrarily altered or mo-
dified by the Minister. Such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity
towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitu-
tional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of
what passes between him and the foreign Ministers before important decisions
are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive the foreign despatches in
good time ; and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient
time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent
off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter
to Lord Palmerston.'
" I sent that accordingly, and received a letter in which the noble Lord
said :—
" ' I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the Queen, and will not fail
to attend to the directions which it contains.'
" The first important transaction in which Lord Palmerston had taken part
since the end of the last session of Parliament, was his reception of a deputa-
tion of delegates from certain Metropolitan parishes, respecting the treat-
ment of the Hungarian refugees by the Turkish Government. On this
occasion he (Lord John Russell) thought that his noble friend had exhibited
some want of due caution, but he gave him the credit of supposing that this
was through an oversight. The next occasion to which he thought it neces-
sary to refer, related to the events which had taken place on the 2nd of
December, in France. The instructions conveyed to our Ambassador from
the Queen's Government were to abstain from all interference in the internal
affairs of that country. Being informed of an alleged conversation between
Lord Palmerston and the French Ambassador repugnant to these instruc-
tions, he (Lord John) had written to that noble Lord, but his inquiries had
for some days met with a disdainful silence, Lord Palmerston, having mean-
while, without the knowledge of his colleagues, written a despatch containing
instructions to Lord Normanby, in which he, however, evaded the question,
whether he had approved the act of the President. The noble Lord's course
of proceeding in this matter he considered to be putting himself in the place
of the Crown, and passing by the Crown, while he gave the moral approbation
of England to the acts of the President of the Republic of France, in direct
opposition to the policy which the Government had hitherto pursued. Under
these circumstances, he (Lord John Russell) bad no alternative but to declare
that while he was Prime Minister Lord Palmerston could not hold the seals
of office, and he had assumed the sole and entire responsibility of advising
the Crown to require the resignation of his noble friend, who, though he had
forgotten and neglected what was due to the Crown and his colleagues, had
not, he was convinced, intended any personal disrespect. Lord John depre-
cated in very earnest terms all harsh criticism upon the conduct of the ruler
VOLUME XXII.--JANUARY TO JUNE, 1852.
THE RUSSELL CABINET.—1852.
First Lord of the Treasury . . Lord John Russell.
Lord Chancellor . . . . Lord Truro.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Sir C. Wood.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Earl of Carlisle.
President of the Council . . Marquis op Lansdowne.
Lord Privy Seal . . . . Earl op Minto.
Home Office .... Sir George Grey.
Foreign Office..... Earl Granville
Colonial Office .... Earl Grey.
Admiralty..... Sir Francis Thornhill Baring.
Board of Trade .... Mr. H. Labouchere.
Board of Control . . . . Right Hon. Fox Maule.
Postmaster-General . . . Marquis of Clanricarde.
First Commissioner of Works, &c. Lord Seymour.
THE DERBY CABINET—1852.
First Lord of the Treasury . Earl of Derby.
Lord Chancellor . . . . Lord St. Lkonards.
Chancellor of the Exchequer . Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli
President of the Council . . . Earl of Lonsdale.
Privy Seal..... Marquis of Salisbury.
Home Office..... Right Hon. Spencer H. Walpole.
Foreign Office .... Earl of Malmesbury.
Colonial Office • . Sir John Somerset Pakington.
Admiralty..... Duke op Northumberland.
Board of Trade... . Right Hon J. Warner Henley
Board of Control .... Right Hon. John C. Herries.
Postmaster-General . ... Earl of Hardwicke.
First Commissioner of Works, &c. Lord John J. R. Manners.
page
POLITICAL SUMMARY.
'"PHE condition of England at the commencement of 1852
was most satisfactory. Trade was brisk and prosperous,
the labouring population well employed, and even the agri-
cultural community less noisy and grumbling than it had been
for some years past. The large supplies of gold from Australia
and California added to the general prosperity, and although
the condition of France gave much uneasiness to the friends of
peace in England, we were on satisfactory relations with all the
world excepting the Kaffirs in South Africa, and with whom a
lingering and vexatious war continued.
The political horizon, however, was not unclouded. A
serious difference had arisen in the Cabinet between the Prime
Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and
resulted in the dismissal even of Lord Palmerston. The cause
of this disruption was thus explained in the House of Commons
by Lord John Russell, and requires to be given somewhat
at length:—
" It will be right, said the noble Lord, that I should first state to the House
what I conceive to be the position which a Secretary of State holds as regards
the Crown in the administration of foreign affairs, and as regards the Prime
Minister of this country. With respect to the first, I should state that when
the Grown, in consequence of a vote of the House of Commons, places its
constittitional confidence in a Minister, that Minister is, on the other hand,
bound to afford to the Crown the most frank and full detail of every measure
that is taken, or to leave to the Crown its full liberty, a liberty which the
Crown must possess, of saying that the Minister no longer possesses its con-
fidence. Such I hold to be the general doctrine. But, as regards the noble
Lord, it did so happen that in August, 1850, the precise terms were laid down
in a communication on the part of Her Majesty with respect to the transac-
tion of business between the Crown and the Secretary of State. I became
the organ of making that communication to my noble friend, and thus
became responsible for the document 1 am about to read from. I shall refer
only to that part of the document which has reference to the immediate
Bubject:—
" ' The Queen requires, first, that Lord Palmerston will distinctly state
what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as dis-
tinctly to what she is giving her Royal sanction. Secondly, having once
given her sanction to a measure, that it may be not arbitrarily altered or mo-
dified by the Minister. Such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity
towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her constitu-
tional right of dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of
what passes between him and the foreign Ministers before important decisions
are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive the foreign despatches in
good time ; and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient
time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent
off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter
to Lord Palmerston.'
" I sent that accordingly, and received a letter in which the noble Lord
said :—
" ' I have taken a copy of this memorandum of the Queen, and will not fail
to attend to the directions which it contains.'
" The first important transaction in which Lord Palmerston had taken part
since the end of the last session of Parliament, was his reception of a deputa-
tion of delegates from certain Metropolitan parishes, respecting the treat-
ment of the Hungarian refugees by the Turkish Government. On this
occasion he (Lord John Russell) thought that his noble friend had exhibited
some want of due caution, but he gave him the credit of supposing that this
was through an oversight. The next occasion to which he thought it neces-
sary to refer, related to the events which had taken place on the 2nd of
December, in France. The instructions conveyed to our Ambassador from
the Queen's Government were to abstain from all interference in the internal
affairs of that country. Being informed of an alleged conversation between
Lord Palmerston and the French Ambassador repugnant to these instruc-
tions, he (Lord John) had written to that noble Lord, but his inquiries had
for some days met with a disdainful silence, Lord Palmerston, having mean-
while, without the knowledge of his colleagues, written a despatch containing
instructions to Lord Normanby, in which he, however, evaded the question,
whether he had approved the act of the President. The noble Lord's course
of proceeding in this matter he considered to be putting himself in the place
of the Crown, and passing by the Crown, while he gave the moral approbation
of England to the acts of the President of the Republic of France, in direct
opposition to the policy which the Government had hitherto pursued. Under
these circumstances, he (Lord John Russell) bad no alternative but to declare
that while he was Prime Minister Lord Palmerston could not hold the seals
of office, and he had assumed the sole and entire responsibility of advising
the Crown to require the resignation of his noble friend, who, though he had
forgotten and neglected what was due to the Crown and his colleagues, had
not, he was convinced, intended any personal disrespect. Lord John depre-
cated in very earnest terms all harsh criticism upon the conduct of the ruler