DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16613#0005
Intnrhictbn.
VOLUME XXVI.-JANUARY TO JUNE, 1854.
THE ABERDEEN CABINET.—1854.
First Lord of the Treasury
Lord Chancellor . . j
Chancellor of the Exchequer .
President of the Council
Lord Privy Seal
Home Office ....
Foreign Office ....
Colonial Office .
Admiralty ....
Board of Control .
Secretary at War
First Commissioner of Works, &c.
Without Office
Without Office ....
Earl of Aberdeen.
Lord Cranworth.
Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone,
Earl Granville.
Duke of Argyll.
Viscount Palmerston.
Earl of Clarendon.
Duke of Newcastle.
Right Hon. Sir J. R. G. Graham, Bart.
Right Hon. Sir C. Wood, Bart.
Right Hon. Sidney Herbert.
Right Hon. Sir W. Molesworth, Bart.
Lord John Russell.
Marquess of Lansdowne.
SUMMARY.
pin*
POLITICAL
A T the beginning of 1854, there was but small hope of the
continuance of peace, and a war with Russia appeared to
be inevitable. The fearful massacre at Sinope had destroyed
all confidence in the Czar, and “ coming events ” began “ to
cast their shadows before.” The bad harvest which had
extended to England, France, and Italy, produced anxiety
for the future, and the commercial interest suffered greatly iu
consequence. The agriculturists, however, were generally
more prosperous and contented than at any period during
many previous years, and the account of the revenue was also
satisfactory.
The Queen opened Parliament in person, and the Session
promised to be a busy one. The speeches on the Address were
more than usually interesting, and continued to be so, as the
conduct of the Ministry on the Eastern Question was, neces-
sarily much discussed.
Another subject was mentioned which had great public
interest. It had been freely asserted in some of the Liberal
papers that Prince Albert was unduly interfering in matters
of Btate, and Lord Aberdeen felt it to be necessary to notice
these assertions in his place in the House of Lords. He
said:—
“ I will for a moment advert to this odious charge, as having assumed a
sort of character of consistency which calls on me to treat it more seriously
than anything so despicable ought to be treated. (Hear, hear!) I will just
recal to your Lordships—what you have seen in the course of the last few
weeks—the persevering manner in which these scandalous and groundless
imputations have been cast on the illustrious Prince to whom I refer. (Hear,
hear !) The House must know what are the constitutional position and func-
tions of this illustrious Prince ; that he is the adviser of the Queen, in the
capacity of her husband and most intimate companion, is beyond all doubt.
1 will not describe the manner in which this relation has been maintained
between these two illustrious persons, but I will say that to propound that
the husband is to remain silent and see his wife in difficulty and embarrass-
ment, and not be allowed to give her a syllable of advice, is to propound a
very different state of that relation from what I understand by it. (Lfear /)
It has been studiously asserted, that this is a novelty ; that it was !mr R. Peel
who introduced it, and that Lord Melbourne did not permit his Royal High-
ness to exercise those lunetions which he exercises now so advantageously
for the country, for I can only say it is always extreme matter of regret when
his Royal Highness absents himself from the Council. 1 appeal to noble
Lords in this House, of whom there are several, who have had the means of
knowing, of hearing, of profiting by the wisdom, the prudence, the judgment
of his Royal Highness. I ask them to say whether, in all they have seen or
heard, a single syllable has ever emanated from the Prince which has not
tended to the honour, the interest, and the welfare of this country. (Loud
cheers.) It is quite possible that a person of the ability and thought of the
Prince may entertain opinions on particular matters from which Ministers
may differ ; but recollect that it is the Minister only who is responsible ; and
if Her Majesty should choose to follow the opinion of his Royal Highness—
which she has a perfect right to do—the Minister has his remedy ; he has but
one—which is respectfully to resign his position. In order to finish this
odious subject, there is one more topic on which I have to dwell. What
has been studiously circulated, and, I think, more actively insinuated
than any other part of these accusations, is the interference of his Royal
Highness with the Army and with the Horse Guards. Now, my Lords,
i have to say, that so far from a shadow of foundation belonging to this
accusation, it does so happen that—in the year 1850, I think it was—it
was a great desire of the Duke of Wellington to make such arrangements
at the Horse Guards as would enable Prince Albert to succeed him as
Commander-in-Chief. The Duke proposed various arrangements which
would, he thought, tend to render sure his acceptance of that situation, and
strongly recommended it to the Queen ; but his Royal Highness, with that
sound judgment which distinguished him, felt that it would interfere with
the duty he owed to his Sovereign and wife in the situation he filled, and he
therefore on that ground, and on that ground only, declined the situation
which the Duke was desirous of providing for him. 1 need scarcely notice
all the miserable calumnies that have been uttered with respect to the Prince’s
interfering with promotions, or any interference with the business of the
Army, because you must recollect, my Lords, that he is a field marshal in
the Army, that he is a colonel of the Guards, that he holds a command in
the Army, that his son will be in command of the Army, and that he may be
—God forbid it should ever happen ! —Regent of this kingdom ; and to say
that he is not interested in the Army is monstrous, and cannot be imagined.
But, beyond that general interest he takes in it, in the position he occupies,
1 deny utterly that on any occasion, at any time, as far as I have every reason
to believe and to know, either under the Duke of Wf.llington or under mv
VOLUME XXVI.-JANUARY TO JUNE, 1854.
THE ABERDEEN CABINET.—1854.
First Lord of the Treasury
Lord Chancellor . . j
Chancellor of the Exchequer .
President of the Council
Lord Privy Seal
Home Office ....
Foreign Office ....
Colonial Office .
Admiralty ....
Board of Control .
Secretary at War
First Commissioner of Works, &c.
Without Office
Without Office ....
Earl of Aberdeen.
Lord Cranworth.
Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone,
Earl Granville.
Duke of Argyll.
Viscount Palmerston.
Earl of Clarendon.
Duke of Newcastle.
Right Hon. Sir J. R. G. Graham, Bart.
Right Hon. Sir C. Wood, Bart.
Right Hon. Sidney Herbert.
Right Hon. Sir W. Molesworth, Bart.
Lord John Russell.
Marquess of Lansdowne.
SUMMARY.
pin*
POLITICAL
A T the beginning of 1854, there was but small hope of the
continuance of peace, and a war with Russia appeared to
be inevitable. The fearful massacre at Sinope had destroyed
all confidence in the Czar, and “ coming events ” began “ to
cast their shadows before.” The bad harvest which had
extended to England, France, and Italy, produced anxiety
for the future, and the commercial interest suffered greatly iu
consequence. The agriculturists, however, were generally
more prosperous and contented than at any period during
many previous years, and the account of the revenue was also
satisfactory.
The Queen opened Parliament in person, and the Session
promised to be a busy one. The speeches on the Address were
more than usually interesting, and continued to be so, as the
conduct of the Ministry on the Eastern Question was, neces-
sarily much discussed.
Another subject was mentioned which had great public
interest. It had been freely asserted in some of the Liberal
papers that Prince Albert was unduly interfering in matters
of Btate, and Lord Aberdeen felt it to be necessary to notice
these assertions in his place in the House of Lords. He
said:—
“ I will for a moment advert to this odious charge, as having assumed a
sort of character of consistency which calls on me to treat it more seriously
than anything so despicable ought to be treated. (Hear, hear!) I will just
recal to your Lordships—what you have seen in the course of the last few
weeks—the persevering manner in which these scandalous and groundless
imputations have been cast on the illustrious Prince to whom I refer. (Hear,
hear !) The House must know what are the constitutional position and func-
tions of this illustrious Prince ; that he is the adviser of the Queen, in the
capacity of her husband and most intimate companion, is beyond all doubt.
1 will not describe the manner in which this relation has been maintained
between these two illustrious persons, but I will say that to propound that
the husband is to remain silent and see his wife in difficulty and embarrass-
ment, and not be allowed to give her a syllable of advice, is to propound a
very different state of that relation from what I understand by it. (Lfear /)
It has been studiously asserted, that this is a novelty ; that it was !mr R. Peel
who introduced it, and that Lord Melbourne did not permit his Royal High-
ness to exercise those lunetions which he exercises now so advantageously
for the country, for I can only say it is always extreme matter of regret when
his Royal Highness absents himself from the Council. 1 appeal to noble
Lords in this House, of whom there are several, who have had the means of
knowing, of hearing, of profiting by the wisdom, the prudence, the judgment
of his Royal Highness. I ask them to say whether, in all they have seen or
heard, a single syllable has ever emanated from the Prince which has not
tended to the honour, the interest, and the welfare of this country. (Loud
cheers.) It is quite possible that a person of the ability and thought of the
Prince may entertain opinions on particular matters from which Ministers
may differ ; but recollect that it is the Minister only who is responsible ; and
if Her Majesty should choose to follow the opinion of his Royal Highness—
which she has a perfect right to do—the Minister has his remedy ; he has but
one—which is respectfully to resign his position. In order to finish this
odious subject, there is one more topic on which I have to dwell. What
has been studiously circulated, and, I think, more actively insinuated
than any other part of these accusations, is the interference of his Royal
Highness with the Army and with the Horse Guards. Now, my Lords,
i have to say, that so far from a shadow of foundation belonging to this
accusation, it does so happen that—in the year 1850, I think it was—it
was a great desire of the Duke of Wellington to make such arrangements
at the Horse Guards as would enable Prince Albert to succeed him as
Commander-in-Chief. The Duke proposed various arrangements which
would, he thought, tend to render sure his acceptance of that situation, and
strongly recommended it to the Queen ; but his Royal Highness, with that
sound judgment which distinguished him, felt that it would interfere with
the duty he owed to his Sovereign and wife in the situation he filled, and he
therefore on that ground, and on that ground only, declined the situation
which the Duke was desirous of providing for him. 1 need scarcely notice
all the miserable calumnies that have been uttered with respect to the Prince’s
interfering with promotions, or any interference with the business of the
Army, because you must recollect, my Lords, that he is a field marshal in
the Army, that he is a colonel of the Guards, that he holds a command in
the Army, that his son will be in command of the Army, and that he may be
—God forbid it should ever happen ! —Regent of this kingdom ; and to say
that he is not interested in the Army is monstrous, and cannot be imagined.
But, beyond that general interest he takes in it, in the position he occupies,
1 deny utterly that on any occasion, at any time, as far as I have every reason
to believe and to know, either under the Duke of Wf.llington or under mv