Tor.. XXXVIII.]
INTRODUCTION.
[January' to Juke, 1860.
The whole Speech will be found admirably paraphrased in
the Essence of Parliament, which, as usual, contains all the
events of the Session really rvorthy of being recorded.
As the progress of the Constitutional cause in Italy was re-
garded with the warmest sympathy by all classes in England,
much of the present volume has reference to that interesting
struggle, and a brief summary of events will explain many of
the illustrations, and the articles associated with them in the
present and succeeding volumes. We shall quote somewhat
freely from the Annual Register of 1860.
By the Treaty of Villafranca, Avhich was signed at Zurich
on the 11th of November, 1859, it was agreed between France
and Austria that an endeavour should be made to assemble a
Congress of the European Powers, to tale into consideration
the question of the pacification of Italy. The Congress, how-
ever, never met; for it was found impossible to arrange a
common basis of action on account of the discordance of the
views entertained with respect to the question of the Duchies
of Parma and Modena and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany.
France was pledged to Austria to do all in her power to effect
the restoration of the Dukes and Grand Duke; but England
was opposed to any interference, and wished the inhabitants
of those kingdoms to settle their own respective Governments
free from the compulsion of external pressure. The conse-
quence was, that a great deal of diplomatic correspondence
took place during the latter part of last year without leading
to any result. We have, in our preceding volume, quoted the
remarkable letter of the French Emperor to the Pope, dated
the 31st December, 1839, in which he called upon the Holy
Father to renounce the Legations, which for the last fifty
years had caused so much embarrassment to his Government,
and in exchange to demand from the Powers that they should
guarantee him possession of the remainder of his dominions.
This added a new element of difficulty, for the Pope was
inexorable in his refusal to abandon any part of the dominions
of the Church ; and they were ultimately torn from him by
what, on another occasion, the Emperor called “ the inex-
orable logic of facts,’’ or, in other words, the irresistible force
of war.
The conduct of the people of Italy was well expressed in a
despatch written by Lord John Russell to Lord A. Loftus,
our Minister at Vienna. “ In 1848 the people of Europe,
misled by wild enthusiasts, attempted to found stable govern-
ments on republican theories ; but at the present time the
people of Italy, in harmony with public opinion throughout
Europe, seek for order as well as liberty beneath the dome of
monarchy, supported by national consent and equal laws.”
The people indulged in no visionary dream of a republic,
neither were they led into the commission of any excesses, with
one melancholy exception—the murder of Count Akviti, at
Parma.
The Congress did not assemble, and various plans were
submitted by England and France, but the Pope’s temporalities
were ever in the way of an adjustment. At length Count
Cavour addressed a note (in reply to various propositions) to
Chevalier Nigra, the Sardinian Minister in Paris, in which
he said, —
“ Whatever may be the reply returned by the States of Central Italy, the
King's Government at once declares that it will accept it unconditionally.
If Tuscany declares for the preservation of her self-government by means of
the formation of a State distinct from Sardinia, not only will it not oppose
the realisation of this wish, but it will frankly aid in overcoming the
obstacles which such a solution might encounter, and obviating the incon-
venience which may follow from it. It will act in like manner with respect
to the Romagna and to the Duchres of Parma and Modena. But if. on the
PAOB
contrary, these provinces again manifest in a clear manner a wish to be
united to Piedmont, we cannot any longer oppose it. Indeed, did we wish
to do so, we could not. In the present state of public opinion, a Ministry
who should refuse a second demand for annexation, sanctioned by a second
popular vote on the part of Tuscany, would not only no longer find support
in Parliament, but would soon be overthrown by an unanimous vote of
censure.”
The Provisional Governments of Tuscany and iEmilia
(which comprises the Duchies of Parma and Modena and the
Legations) issued decrees at the end of February, announcing
that the people would be called upon, on the 11th and 12th of
March, to vote by ballot and universal suffrage oil the question
of annexation to Sardinia or a separate kingdom. The vote
was then taken, and decided by an immense majority in
favour of annexation.
The result of this appeal to universal suffrage, on the part
of TEmilia, was presented by Signor Farini, the Provisional
Governor, to Yictor-Emmanuel at Turin, on the 18th of
March, and on the part of Tuscany, by Baron Ricasoli (who
had succeeded Chevalier Buoncampagni as Provisional
Governor) on the 22nd. On receiving the homage of TEmilia
the King said : —
“ In uniting to my ancient provinces not only the States of Modena and
Parma, but also the Romagna, which has already separated itself from the
Papal Government, I do not intend to fail in my deep devotion to the Chief
of the Church. 1 am ready to defend the independence necessary to the
supreme minister of religion, the Pope, to contribute to the splendour of his
Court, and to pay homage to his Sovereignty. ”
A hill was afterwards brought into the Sardinian Chambers
to authorise the annexation, and passed into a law.
Another actor was now to appear on the scene of Italian
politics. Francis the Second had succeeded his father,
Ferdinand the Second, on the throne of the Two Sicilies;
and he followed his father’s footsteps in doing all in his power
to alienate the hearts of his people and crush every aspiration
of liberty.
At the beginning of April an insurrection broke out in
Sicily at Palermo, whore the Royal troops were attacked, and
the city was placed in a state of siege. The revolt spread
rapidly over the island, and Messina, Catania, and Agrigentum
declared against the Government. Guerilla bands traversed
the interior, and the movements of the insurgents were
directed by a secret revolutionary committee, the names and
locality of which were unknown to the Royalists. But iu the
meantime Garibaldi was collecting volunteers to take part
iu the insurrection. He all but openly organised an expedi-
tion to Sicily in the dominions of Sardinia, and at length, on
the night of the 5th of May, sailed from Genoa with a body of
about 2000 men.
On their voyage Garibaldi issued the following pro-
clamation
“ Italians !—The Sicilians are fighting against the enemies of Italy and for
Italy. To help them with money, arms, and especially men, is the duty of
every Italian.
“ Let the Marches, Umbria, Sabine, the Roman Campagna, and the Nea-
politan territory rise, so as to divide the enemy’s forces.
“ If the cities do not offer a sufficient basis for insurrection, let the more
resolute throw themselves into the open country.
“ A brave man can always find a weapon. In the name of Heaven,
hearken not to the voice of those who cram themselves at well-served tables.
“ Let us arm. Let us fight for our brothers ; to-morrow we can fight for
ourselves.
“ A handful of brave men, who have followed me in battles fc: our country,
are advancing with me to the rescue. Italy knows them; they always
appear at the hour of danger. Brave and generous companions, they have
devoted their lives to their country ; they will shed their last drop of bloo^
for it, seeking’ no other reward than that of a pure conscience.
“‘Italy and Viotob-Emmandel !’ — that was our battle-cry when we
crossed the Ticino ; it will resound into the very depths of iEtna.
“ As this prophetic battle-cry re-echoes from the hills of Italy to the Tar-
peian Mount, the tottering throne of tyranny will fall to pieces, and the
i whole country will riso like one man.”
INTRODUCTION.
[January' to Juke, 1860.
The whole Speech will be found admirably paraphrased in
the Essence of Parliament, which, as usual, contains all the
events of the Session really rvorthy of being recorded.
As the progress of the Constitutional cause in Italy was re-
garded with the warmest sympathy by all classes in England,
much of the present volume has reference to that interesting
struggle, and a brief summary of events will explain many of
the illustrations, and the articles associated with them in the
present and succeeding volumes. We shall quote somewhat
freely from the Annual Register of 1860.
By the Treaty of Villafranca, Avhich was signed at Zurich
on the 11th of November, 1859, it was agreed between France
and Austria that an endeavour should be made to assemble a
Congress of the European Powers, to tale into consideration
the question of the pacification of Italy. The Congress, how-
ever, never met; for it was found impossible to arrange a
common basis of action on account of the discordance of the
views entertained with respect to the question of the Duchies
of Parma and Modena and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany.
France was pledged to Austria to do all in her power to effect
the restoration of the Dukes and Grand Duke; but England
was opposed to any interference, and wished the inhabitants
of those kingdoms to settle their own respective Governments
free from the compulsion of external pressure. The conse-
quence was, that a great deal of diplomatic correspondence
took place during the latter part of last year without leading
to any result. We have, in our preceding volume, quoted the
remarkable letter of the French Emperor to the Pope, dated
the 31st December, 1839, in which he called upon the Holy
Father to renounce the Legations, which for the last fifty
years had caused so much embarrassment to his Government,
and in exchange to demand from the Powers that they should
guarantee him possession of the remainder of his dominions.
This added a new element of difficulty, for the Pope was
inexorable in his refusal to abandon any part of the dominions
of the Church ; and they were ultimately torn from him by
what, on another occasion, the Emperor called “ the inex-
orable logic of facts,’’ or, in other words, the irresistible force
of war.
The conduct of the people of Italy was well expressed in a
despatch written by Lord John Russell to Lord A. Loftus,
our Minister at Vienna. “ In 1848 the people of Europe,
misled by wild enthusiasts, attempted to found stable govern-
ments on republican theories ; but at the present time the
people of Italy, in harmony with public opinion throughout
Europe, seek for order as well as liberty beneath the dome of
monarchy, supported by national consent and equal laws.”
The people indulged in no visionary dream of a republic,
neither were they led into the commission of any excesses, with
one melancholy exception—the murder of Count Akviti, at
Parma.
The Congress did not assemble, and various plans were
submitted by England and France, but the Pope’s temporalities
were ever in the way of an adjustment. At length Count
Cavour addressed a note (in reply to various propositions) to
Chevalier Nigra, the Sardinian Minister in Paris, in which
he said, —
“ Whatever may be the reply returned by the States of Central Italy, the
King's Government at once declares that it will accept it unconditionally.
If Tuscany declares for the preservation of her self-government by means of
the formation of a State distinct from Sardinia, not only will it not oppose
the realisation of this wish, but it will frankly aid in overcoming the
obstacles which such a solution might encounter, and obviating the incon-
venience which may follow from it. It will act in like manner with respect
to the Romagna and to the Duchres of Parma and Modena. But if. on the
PAOB
contrary, these provinces again manifest in a clear manner a wish to be
united to Piedmont, we cannot any longer oppose it. Indeed, did we wish
to do so, we could not. In the present state of public opinion, a Ministry
who should refuse a second demand for annexation, sanctioned by a second
popular vote on the part of Tuscany, would not only no longer find support
in Parliament, but would soon be overthrown by an unanimous vote of
censure.”
The Provisional Governments of Tuscany and iEmilia
(which comprises the Duchies of Parma and Modena and the
Legations) issued decrees at the end of February, announcing
that the people would be called upon, on the 11th and 12th of
March, to vote by ballot and universal suffrage oil the question
of annexation to Sardinia or a separate kingdom. The vote
was then taken, and decided by an immense majority in
favour of annexation.
The result of this appeal to universal suffrage, on the part
of TEmilia, was presented by Signor Farini, the Provisional
Governor, to Yictor-Emmanuel at Turin, on the 18th of
March, and on the part of Tuscany, by Baron Ricasoli (who
had succeeded Chevalier Buoncampagni as Provisional
Governor) on the 22nd. On receiving the homage of TEmilia
the King said : —
“ In uniting to my ancient provinces not only the States of Modena and
Parma, but also the Romagna, which has already separated itself from the
Papal Government, I do not intend to fail in my deep devotion to the Chief
of the Church. 1 am ready to defend the independence necessary to the
supreme minister of religion, the Pope, to contribute to the splendour of his
Court, and to pay homage to his Sovereignty. ”
A hill was afterwards brought into the Sardinian Chambers
to authorise the annexation, and passed into a law.
Another actor was now to appear on the scene of Italian
politics. Francis the Second had succeeded his father,
Ferdinand the Second, on the throne of the Two Sicilies;
and he followed his father’s footsteps in doing all in his power
to alienate the hearts of his people and crush every aspiration
of liberty.
At the beginning of April an insurrection broke out in
Sicily at Palermo, whore the Royal troops were attacked, and
the city was placed in a state of siege. The revolt spread
rapidly over the island, and Messina, Catania, and Agrigentum
declared against the Government. Guerilla bands traversed
the interior, and the movements of the insurgents were
directed by a secret revolutionary committee, the names and
locality of which were unknown to the Royalists. But iu the
meantime Garibaldi was collecting volunteers to take part
iu the insurrection. He all but openly organised an expedi-
tion to Sicily in the dominions of Sardinia, and at length, on
the night of the 5th of May, sailed from Genoa with a body of
about 2000 men.
On their voyage Garibaldi issued the following pro-
clamation
“ Italians !—The Sicilians are fighting against the enemies of Italy and for
Italy. To help them with money, arms, and especially men, is the duty of
every Italian.
“ Let the Marches, Umbria, Sabine, the Roman Campagna, and the Nea-
politan territory rise, so as to divide the enemy’s forces.
“ If the cities do not offer a sufficient basis for insurrection, let the more
resolute throw themselves into the open country.
“ A brave man can always find a weapon. In the name of Heaven,
hearken not to the voice of those who cram themselves at well-served tables.
“ Let us arm. Let us fight for our brothers ; to-morrow we can fight for
ourselves.
“ A handful of brave men, who have followed me in battles fc: our country,
are advancing with me to the rescue. Italy knows them; they always
appear at the hour of danger. Brave and generous companions, they have
devoted their lives to their country ; they will shed their last drop of bloo^
for it, seeking’ no other reward than that of a pure conscience.
“‘Italy and Viotob-Emmandel !’ — that was our battle-cry when we
crossed the Ticino ; it will resound into the very depths of iEtna.
“ As this prophetic battle-cry re-echoes from the hills of Italy to the Tar-
peian Mount, the tottering throne of tyranny will fall to pieces, and the
i whole country will riso like one man.”