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58. See Jed, op. cit., passim: Baron, op. cit., p. 11 5. There is another literary work titled De nobilitate, almost as
famous as Salutati's Declamatio written at the beginning of the 15th century by Buonaccorso da
Montemagno in which the name Lucretia finds, in a morę metaphorical way, its own important place, see
Buonaccorso da Montemagno, ,,De nobilitate' in: Prosatori latini del Ouattrocento, ed. by E. Garin,
Milano-Napoli, 1952, pp. T42-165 and particularly pp. 142 and 162ff„ where we may find e.g. the
following words: ,,Hanc tu, Lucretia, splendor aetatis nostrae veram vlrtutis nobilitatem nosti ac mirabi/i
ingenio adepta es".

59. Ibidem, passim. Cf. also Boskovits, Pittura fiorentina, op. cit., pp. 79 ff. and particularly p. 82: „La cultura
classica forni nuove normę di comportamento morale... i grandi spiriti delhantica Roma venivano
considerati un po' come conpaesani... La cultura antica costituiva insomma un patrimonio spirituale
inalienabile".

60. These words are quoted and discussed by N. Rubinstein, „The Beginnings of Political Thought in
Florence", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1942, V, p. 225; JED, op. cit., p. 21. The
English translation by Rubinstein reads: „What else does it mean to be a Florentine than to be, by naturę
and law, a Roman Citizen?" On republican themes in the decoration of the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena from
1413-14 cf.: Ibidem, Political Ideas in Sienese Art, pp. 179-207, esp. pp. 189 ff. and 203.

61. For Valerius Maximus see notę 11; Among 25 codices in a smali private library of Giovanni di Piętro di Fece
there were three „deche di Tito Livio and un libro di Valerio Maximo”, see C. Mazzi, „Libri e masserizie di
Giovanni di Piętro di Fece (Fecini) nel 1450 in Siena", Bolletino Senese di Storia Patria, XVIII, 1911, p.
164. On the great popularity of his work in volgare in the Renaissance era see Casella, op. cit.: A. Brucker
Renaissance Florence, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1983, pp. 21 6-17, the words of Petrarch are
quoted in notę 16; cf. also Walton, op. cit. p. 185. About the freedom resulting from Lucretia's death cf.
also: Boccaccio in: De mulieribus Claris: cum ex eadem non solum reintegratem sit decus, quod feditate
facinoris iuvenis labefactarat ineptus, sed consecuta sit romana libertas (chapt. XLVIII).

62. See among others Baron, op. cit., pp. 14 ff; D. Hay, The Renaissance in its Historical Background,
Cambridge, 1966, pp. 112-118; A. Cutolo, Re Ladislao d'Angio Durazzo, Napoli, 1969, pp. 321 ff.
G. Brucker, Dal Commune alla Signoria. La vita pubblica a Firenze nel primo Rinascimento, Bologna,
1981, pp. 145ff, 253ff, 414ff; A. Lanza, Firenze contra Milano. Gli intellettuali fiorentini nelle guerre eon
i Visconti (1390-1440), Roma, 1991. Cf: also D. Waley, The Italian City-Republics, London, 1991, pp.
200 f. and 204 f. Unlike Florence, which was never occupied either by the Milanese or the Neapolitan
armies, Perugia was taken over from 1400-2 by Giangaleazzo Visconti and subsequently in the years
1408-14 and 1416-24 by the king Ladislas and Braccio da Montone.

. However, as observed by Donaldson op. cit. p. 104 those interested in political implications of the story of
Lucretia saw Brutus ratherthan this heroine as the central figurę. Among famous heroes represented in the
smaller hall of the Palazzo Vecchio, acompanied by Salutati's epigrams one can find also Brutus, see T.
Plankey, „Salutati's Epigrams for the Palazzo Vecchio at Florence", Journal ofthe Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, XXII, 1959 pp. 363-65, esp. 364; N. Rubinstein, „Classical Themes in the Decoration ofthe
Palazzo Vecchio in Florence", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, L, 1987, pp. 29ff.

64. Hay, op. cit., pp. 112 f.; Cutolo, op. cit. chapt. XIII; BARON, op. cit. pp. 41 and 369.

65. Walton, op. cit., pp. 177-186, Figs. 1 and 5-6.

66. Salutati's opinion on Brutus is quoted and discussed by Baron, op. cit., pp. 114-15; see also Baskins,
Corporeal Authority..., p. 197.

67. According to P.F. Watson Virtu and Voluptas in Cassone Painting, Ann Arbor, 1970, p. 19, the fathers of
brides as a rule ordered cassoni: however, according to Witthoft, op. cit. p. 43, it was the family of the
groom or the groom himself who were responsible. Recently, Lydecker, op. cit. pp. 1 55-59, drawing from
original source materials deduces in a convincing way that from the mid-15th century orders for cassoni
were indeed madę largely by futurę husbands or their families. See also H. Wohl, The Paintings of
Domenico Veneziano ca. 1410-1461, London, 1980, pp. 20 ff. and 343 f„ and most recently Ch.
Klapisch-Zuber, „Les femmes dans les rituels de 1'alliance et de la naissance a Florence" in: Riti e rituali
nelle Societa medievali, ed. by J. Chiffoleau et al., Spoleto, 1994, pp. 3-22 and particularly pp. 6ff.,

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