DOI Artikel:
Mierzejewska, Bożena: Nubian Imagines Potestatis in the Collections of the National Museum in Warsaw
DOI Seite / Zitierlink: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.18949#0014
gestures, clothes and attributes, by interpretation of mutual relationships
among the scene’s participants, their place in the composition and, finally,
by a location of the composition inside a church and in relation to other
compositions. Image context which accompanied these compositions was
a means to impart information concerning both the ruler and the State,
symbolised by the ruler’s image, a visual manifestation of the supreme power.4
The role of these images was to mirror the world’s hierarchie order by
presenting the ruler’s place in the worldly and heavenly hierarchy as an
intermediary between God and the Christian people, stressing a descending
naturę of his power supported by religion.5 Monarchs placed their portraits
on church walls not to flaunt their own wealth and power but so that their
images could publicly confirm the sacral origin of their rule and testify to
their orthodoxy, a sine qua non of the divine support of their rule.6
A belief in divine origin of royal power, present for a long time in many
countries of the ancient Middle East and later in Hellenistic monarchies,
gradually seeped into Roman political thought finally Hellenised during
Diocletian’s reign (284-305). This process found its manifestation in changes
of court ritual, aimed at stressing the ruler’s divine naturę. Imperial cult
acąuired religious features and was to play a role of a unifying element for
all subjects, both religiously and politically. The standpoint of Christians,
who initially denounced all signs of imperial cult sińce they saw in the State
the terrifying beast from the vision of Daniel and in the emperor’s protective
genius a dangerous adversary of God, in time underwent a deep change for
which the legał sanctioning of Christianity by emperor Constantine paved
the way.s The first steps towards a Christian political reflection on the State
a medium of imperial propaganda in Byzantium cf. also: R. Cormack, Writing in Gold. Byzantine
Society and Its Icons, London 1985, pp. 179-214.
4 P.G. Schramm, Kaiser, Kónige und Papste. Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Geschichte des Mittelalters,
vol. IV/2, Stuttgart 1971, p. 684.
5 G. Babic, “Peintures murales Byzantines et de tradition byzantine (1081-1453). Possibilites
et limites des analyses sociologiąues”, in Actes du XVIIle Congres International des Etudes
Byzantins, Moscow 1991, pp. 348-390.
6 G. Millet, “Portraits byzantins”, Revue de Part chretien, 61, 1911, pp. 445-451; P.E. Schramm,
“Das Herrscherbild in der Kunst des friihen Mittelalters”, Yórtrage der Bibliothek Warburg II,
(1922-1923), 1924; S. Lampros, AeńKCopa ^vĘ,avziveov amoKpazópoou, Athens 1930;
J. Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine llluminated Manuscripts, Leiden 1976; A. Grabar,
op. cit.-, idem, “L’art profane a Byzance”, in Actes du XIV Congres International des Etudes
byzantines, Bucarest 6-12 Septembre 1971, Bucharest 1974, pp. 317-341; P. Mijović,
“Liconographie imperiale dans la peinture serbe medievale”, Starinar, XVIII, 1967, pp. 103—
-117; T. Velmans, La peinture murale byzantine a la fin du Moyen Age, vol. I, Paris 1977.
7 “After that, I looked, and there before me was another beast - terrifying and frightening and
very powerful. It had large iron teeth; it crushed and devoured its victims and trampled
underfoot whatever was left [...]” (Dn 7:7). All ąuotations from the Bibie after: The Holy Bibie.
New International Yersion, London, Sydney, Aukland, Toronto 1973. Cf. Hippolitus,
Commentarii in Dattielem IV, 8-10, (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei
Jahrhunderte 1.1), Berlin 1897, 1-340.
8 H. Rahner, Kirche und Staat im friihen Christentum, [Munich] 1961, pp. 17-34.
12
among the scene’s participants, their place in the composition and, finally,
by a location of the composition inside a church and in relation to other
compositions. Image context which accompanied these compositions was
a means to impart information concerning both the ruler and the State,
symbolised by the ruler’s image, a visual manifestation of the supreme power.4
The role of these images was to mirror the world’s hierarchie order by
presenting the ruler’s place in the worldly and heavenly hierarchy as an
intermediary between God and the Christian people, stressing a descending
naturę of his power supported by religion.5 Monarchs placed their portraits
on church walls not to flaunt their own wealth and power but so that their
images could publicly confirm the sacral origin of their rule and testify to
their orthodoxy, a sine qua non of the divine support of their rule.6
A belief in divine origin of royal power, present for a long time in many
countries of the ancient Middle East and later in Hellenistic monarchies,
gradually seeped into Roman political thought finally Hellenised during
Diocletian’s reign (284-305). This process found its manifestation in changes
of court ritual, aimed at stressing the ruler’s divine naturę. Imperial cult
acąuired religious features and was to play a role of a unifying element for
all subjects, both religiously and politically. The standpoint of Christians,
who initially denounced all signs of imperial cult sińce they saw in the State
the terrifying beast from the vision of Daniel and in the emperor’s protective
genius a dangerous adversary of God, in time underwent a deep change for
which the legał sanctioning of Christianity by emperor Constantine paved
the way.s The first steps towards a Christian political reflection on the State
a medium of imperial propaganda in Byzantium cf. also: R. Cormack, Writing in Gold. Byzantine
Society and Its Icons, London 1985, pp. 179-214.
4 P.G. Schramm, Kaiser, Kónige und Papste. Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Geschichte des Mittelalters,
vol. IV/2, Stuttgart 1971, p. 684.
5 G. Babic, “Peintures murales Byzantines et de tradition byzantine (1081-1453). Possibilites
et limites des analyses sociologiąues”, in Actes du XVIIle Congres International des Etudes
Byzantins, Moscow 1991, pp. 348-390.
6 G. Millet, “Portraits byzantins”, Revue de Part chretien, 61, 1911, pp. 445-451; P.E. Schramm,
“Das Herrscherbild in der Kunst des friihen Mittelalters”, Yórtrage der Bibliothek Warburg II,
(1922-1923), 1924; S. Lampros, AeńKCopa ^vĘ,avziveov amoKpazópoou, Athens 1930;
J. Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine llluminated Manuscripts, Leiden 1976; A. Grabar,
op. cit.-, idem, “L’art profane a Byzance”, in Actes du XIV Congres International des Etudes
byzantines, Bucarest 6-12 Septembre 1971, Bucharest 1974, pp. 317-341; P. Mijović,
“Liconographie imperiale dans la peinture serbe medievale”, Starinar, XVIII, 1967, pp. 103—
-117; T. Velmans, La peinture murale byzantine a la fin du Moyen Age, vol. I, Paris 1977.
7 “After that, I looked, and there before me was another beast - terrifying and frightening and
very powerful. It had large iron teeth; it crushed and devoured its victims and trampled
underfoot whatever was left [...]” (Dn 7:7). All ąuotations from the Bibie after: The Holy Bibie.
New International Yersion, London, Sydney, Aukland, Toronto 1973. Cf. Hippolitus,
Commentarii in Dattielem IV, 8-10, (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei
Jahrhunderte 1.1), Berlin 1897, 1-340.
8 H. Rahner, Kirche und Staat im friihen Christentum, [Munich] 1961, pp. 17-34.
12