72
further strengthen his theses. It is a fortunate coincidence
that some collages on cardboard, which illustrate his re-
search process, are still preserved in his archive. There
Stegensek associated the images ofthe sarcophagus, which
he cut out from his own printed article, with drawings he
made of numerous Holy Sepulchre representations, such
as those from the mosaic of Santa Pudenziana in Rome,
the Trivulzio ivory, and that of the Sancta Sanctorum reli-
quary [Fig. 2]. In his collages there are also depictions of
Zion, among them the map of Mount Zion made by Mari-
no Sanudo in 1310,37 in which Stegensek added the names
of the represented buildings in red pen [Fig. 3].
Stegensek's analysis of the other side of the sarcopha-
gus, which represents Peters denial, is, in fact, focussed
on Mount Zion's topography. At first, he points to three
buildings in the background connected by a crenellated
wall. He identified them as, on the left, a round building,
perhaps the House of Mary or the gate, through which
Peter is said to have been led by an angel; in the centre,
the old Church of the Apostles (later replaced by the San-
cta Maria in Monte Zion of the Crusaders) with a circular
Upper Room; and on the right, the House of Caiaphas.
In front of the latter, however, a fourth building is repre-
sented. Stegensek identified it as the Grotto of Peters Re-
pentance, situated on the eastern slope of Zion, in front of
the city wall, and first mentioned by Saewulf only in 1102.38
Stegensek concluded from this that Peters Grotto as a me-
morial site was already fixed outside the city wall (towards
the pool of Siloam) in the fourth century, the time of its
depiction on the sarcophagus.39
Even if Stegensek's research has found little to no reso-
nance, what remains intriguing about his study on Jeru-
salem, and which differs from that of Strzygowski, is his
topographical approach. From the beginning, Stegensek
was interested not only in a reconstruction of the build-
ings, but especially in the topographical localisation of
the biblical events in the urban space. The identification
of the original sites was certainly crucial for his research.
In this, he followed a tradition of theologians (and pil-
grims), for instance Johann Nepomuk Sepp (1816-1909),
who in the nineteenth century almost rapturously pur-
sued research in the life of Jesus in order to determine
the true holy sites of the New Testament.40 However,
37 Stegensek quotes Sanudo's image from an essay written by Mom-
mert on the Dormitio on Zion, see C. Mommert, 'Die Dormi-
tio und das deutsche Grundstuck auf dem traditionellen Zion,
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, 21, 1898, pp. 149-183,
here p. 179.
38 A. Stegensek, 'Die Kirchenbauten Jerusalems', pp. 274-276 (as in
note 32).
39 Ibidem, p. 275.
40 On the figure of Johann Nepomuk Sepp, see M. Fink-Lang,
"'Dem Geiste nach verpflichtet". Die Gorres-Schuler Johann
Nepomuk Sepp und Michael Strodl', in Schule, Universitat und
Bildung. Festschrift fur Harald Dickerhof zum 65. Geburtstag, eds.
H. Flachenecker, D. Grypa, Regensburg 2007, pp. 243-293.
Stegensek speaks explicitly of biblical sites of remem-
brance (Erinnerungsstdtten), and, although, he believed
that a free invention of biblical memorials without the
foundation of a tradition was impossible, he acknowl-
edges that, because of the unstable history of the city,
traditions - and therefore the topography of the sites of
commemoration - could have changed over time.41 He is,
thus, also concerned with the tradition of remembrance
and not, ostensibly, with authenticity. In this respect, he
points ahead not least to the studies of the Holy Land by
Maurice Halbwachs (1877-1945), and his concept of col-
lective memory.42
As mentioned, Stegensek began his research on the Via
Crucis in Jerusalem when he was preparing the ecclesias-
tical topography of the Slovenian part of Styria. He con-
textualised the architecture and furnishings, mainly Ba-
roque, by comparing how closely the buildings followed
the originals in the Holy Land. A lack of knowledge of
these originals' led him to research individual buildings
and ultimately to the Jerusalem topography. He wrote
both his topographies on Styrian church monuments in
Slovenian. However, the Jerusalem studies he planned to
publish in German under the title Jerusalemische Entdeck-
ungen, since criticism, in order to be valid, needs counter-
critics, which it is difficult to expect to be able to obtain
among one's own compatriots'.43
Before publishing his scientific hypotheses, however,
he aimed to verify them in Jerusalem. On 5 August 1912,
in search of financial support, he wrote to Max Hussarek
von Heinlein (1865-1935) in the latter's capacity as K.&K.
(Imperial and Royal) Ministry of Education and Cultur-
al Affairs, about his interest in researching in Jerusalem.44
He listed his original scientific contribution to Jerusalem
topography, in particular, the corrections to the position
of individual churches, such as St Mary's and St Sophia's.45
41 'Dab in Jerusalem einzelne kirchliche Traditionen wegen der ver-
schiedenen Wechselfalle, die die Stadt und deren Heiligtumer
getroffen haben, ihren Platz ofters verandert, geben wir gerne zu,
[...], aber eine freie Erfindung von biblischen Erinnerungsstat-
ten ohne Grundlage einer Tradition scheint uns ausgeschlossen.
AuEerhalb der Stadtmauer, gegen den Siloateich zu lag also der
Ort der Reue Petri und in dieser Gegend ist er auch auf unserem
Relief wiedergegeben, A. Stegensek, 'Die Kirchenbauten Jerusa-
lems', p. 276 (as in note 32).
42 M. Halbwachs, La topographie legendaire des evangiles en Terre
sainte (1941), Paris 1942; German translation: Stdtten der Verkiin-
digung im Heiligen Land. Eine Studie zum kollektiven Geddchtnis,
Konstanz 2003.
43 F. K. Lukman, 'Zadnjih deset let', p. 197 (as in note 28). In the
last years of his life, following the research in France (by Domi-
nicans Louis-Hugues Vincent (1872-1960) and Felix-Marie Abel
[1878-1953]), he even considered publishing his study in French
(ibidem, pp. 206, 214).
44 Ibidem, p. 197. For Hussarek cf. Osterreichisches Biographisches
Lexikon 1815-1950, vol. 3, Wien 1965, pp. 16-17.
45 F. K. Lukman, 'Zadnjih deset let', p. 197 (as in note 28).
further strengthen his theses. It is a fortunate coincidence
that some collages on cardboard, which illustrate his re-
search process, are still preserved in his archive. There
Stegensek associated the images ofthe sarcophagus, which
he cut out from his own printed article, with drawings he
made of numerous Holy Sepulchre representations, such
as those from the mosaic of Santa Pudenziana in Rome,
the Trivulzio ivory, and that of the Sancta Sanctorum reli-
quary [Fig. 2]. In his collages there are also depictions of
Zion, among them the map of Mount Zion made by Mari-
no Sanudo in 1310,37 in which Stegensek added the names
of the represented buildings in red pen [Fig. 3].
Stegensek's analysis of the other side of the sarcopha-
gus, which represents Peters denial, is, in fact, focussed
on Mount Zion's topography. At first, he points to three
buildings in the background connected by a crenellated
wall. He identified them as, on the left, a round building,
perhaps the House of Mary or the gate, through which
Peter is said to have been led by an angel; in the centre,
the old Church of the Apostles (later replaced by the San-
cta Maria in Monte Zion of the Crusaders) with a circular
Upper Room; and on the right, the House of Caiaphas.
In front of the latter, however, a fourth building is repre-
sented. Stegensek identified it as the Grotto of Peters Re-
pentance, situated on the eastern slope of Zion, in front of
the city wall, and first mentioned by Saewulf only in 1102.38
Stegensek concluded from this that Peters Grotto as a me-
morial site was already fixed outside the city wall (towards
the pool of Siloam) in the fourth century, the time of its
depiction on the sarcophagus.39
Even if Stegensek's research has found little to no reso-
nance, what remains intriguing about his study on Jeru-
salem, and which differs from that of Strzygowski, is his
topographical approach. From the beginning, Stegensek
was interested not only in a reconstruction of the build-
ings, but especially in the topographical localisation of
the biblical events in the urban space. The identification
of the original sites was certainly crucial for his research.
In this, he followed a tradition of theologians (and pil-
grims), for instance Johann Nepomuk Sepp (1816-1909),
who in the nineteenth century almost rapturously pur-
sued research in the life of Jesus in order to determine
the true holy sites of the New Testament.40 However,
37 Stegensek quotes Sanudo's image from an essay written by Mom-
mert on the Dormitio on Zion, see C. Mommert, 'Die Dormi-
tio und das deutsche Grundstuck auf dem traditionellen Zion,
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, 21, 1898, pp. 149-183,
here p. 179.
38 A. Stegensek, 'Die Kirchenbauten Jerusalems', pp. 274-276 (as in
note 32).
39 Ibidem, p. 275.
40 On the figure of Johann Nepomuk Sepp, see M. Fink-Lang,
"'Dem Geiste nach verpflichtet". Die Gorres-Schuler Johann
Nepomuk Sepp und Michael Strodl', in Schule, Universitat und
Bildung. Festschrift fur Harald Dickerhof zum 65. Geburtstag, eds.
H. Flachenecker, D. Grypa, Regensburg 2007, pp. 243-293.
Stegensek speaks explicitly of biblical sites of remem-
brance (Erinnerungsstdtten), and, although, he believed
that a free invention of biblical memorials without the
foundation of a tradition was impossible, he acknowl-
edges that, because of the unstable history of the city,
traditions - and therefore the topography of the sites of
commemoration - could have changed over time.41 He is,
thus, also concerned with the tradition of remembrance
and not, ostensibly, with authenticity. In this respect, he
points ahead not least to the studies of the Holy Land by
Maurice Halbwachs (1877-1945), and his concept of col-
lective memory.42
As mentioned, Stegensek began his research on the Via
Crucis in Jerusalem when he was preparing the ecclesias-
tical topography of the Slovenian part of Styria. He con-
textualised the architecture and furnishings, mainly Ba-
roque, by comparing how closely the buildings followed
the originals in the Holy Land. A lack of knowledge of
these originals' led him to research individual buildings
and ultimately to the Jerusalem topography. He wrote
both his topographies on Styrian church monuments in
Slovenian. However, the Jerusalem studies he planned to
publish in German under the title Jerusalemische Entdeck-
ungen, since criticism, in order to be valid, needs counter-
critics, which it is difficult to expect to be able to obtain
among one's own compatriots'.43
Before publishing his scientific hypotheses, however,
he aimed to verify them in Jerusalem. On 5 August 1912,
in search of financial support, he wrote to Max Hussarek
von Heinlein (1865-1935) in the latter's capacity as K.&K.
(Imperial and Royal) Ministry of Education and Cultur-
al Affairs, about his interest in researching in Jerusalem.44
He listed his original scientific contribution to Jerusalem
topography, in particular, the corrections to the position
of individual churches, such as St Mary's and St Sophia's.45
41 'Dab in Jerusalem einzelne kirchliche Traditionen wegen der ver-
schiedenen Wechselfalle, die die Stadt und deren Heiligtumer
getroffen haben, ihren Platz ofters verandert, geben wir gerne zu,
[...], aber eine freie Erfindung von biblischen Erinnerungsstat-
ten ohne Grundlage einer Tradition scheint uns ausgeschlossen.
AuEerhalb der Stadtmauer, gegen den Siloateich zu lag also der
Ort der Reue Petri und in dieser Gegend ist er auch auf unserem
Relief wiedergegeben, A. Stegensek, 'Die Kirchenbauten Jerusa-
lems', p. 276 (as in note 32).
42 M. Halbwachs, La topographie legendaire des evangiles en Terre
sainte (1941), Paris 1942; German translation: Stdtten der Verkiin-
digung im Heiligen Land. Eine Studie zum kollektiven Geddchtnis,
Konstanz 2003.
43 F. K. Lukman, 'Zadnjih deset let', p. 197 (as in note 28). In the
last years of his life, following the research in France (by Domi-
nicans Louis-Hugues Vincent (1872-1960) and Felix-Marie Abel
[1878-1953]), he even considered publishing his study in French
(ibidem, pp. 206, 214).
44 Ibidem, p. 197. For Hussarek cf. Osterreichisches Biographisches
Lexikon 1815-1950, vol. 3, Wien 1965, pp. 16-17.
45 F. K. Lukman, 'Zadnjih deset let', p. 197 (as in note 28).