DOI Seite / Zitierlink:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.70004#0140
138
least arithmetically, an almost ideal regional balance in the provision of pri-
mary schools: in 1970, the ID for the provinces was 2.9. However, by 1976
it had risen again to 5.3, and in 1980 it rose to 6.8. In 1980 the proportion
of primary school pupils in the total number of school age children reached
84%. However, the proportions have since reversed: due to the accelerated
immigration of whole families into towns sufficient primary school places were
no longer available there. Today the most urbanised provinces of Copperbelt
and Lusaka are by far the worst provided for, whereas Luapula, Northern and
North-Western Provinces are in a relatively good position. Southern Province
has been able to retain its relatively favourable situation, which, incidentally,
applies also to its secondary schools (see Tables 10 and 11).
4. The Missions’ Contribution to Elite Formation
It is quite clear that in Africa the missions had a strong influence on the first
generation of national elites who came into power after Independence (LLOYD
1966). This was due to their virtual monopoly of the educational system in the
colonial era. Zambia is a good example of this. The country’s President, Ken-
neth Kaunda, who has been the dominant political figure in the country since
1964, comes from the “mission milieu” and has included missionaries amongst
his closest advisers, both in the fight for Indpendence and for the Presidency
(for example, Colin Morris, Fergus Macpherson and J. Oglethorpe). “Zambian
Humanism” (KAUNDA 1967, 1974) is the state philosophy, and is a variety of
African socialism strongly inspired by Christian ideals. It has its origins in the
close association of Dr Kaunda with the above mentioned and G.-A. Krapf, a
German theologian working at the Mindolo Ecumenical Centre. Apart from
Kaunda, other members of the state leadership have been influenced by the
missions. Simon Kapwepwe, the former Vice President and founder of the
banned United Progressive Party, was Kaunda’s fellow pupil at Lubwa mis-
sion school, and he too became a teacher. Next to Kaunda and Kapwepwe the
most important figure in the fight for Independence and in the first years of
the new republic was Harry Nkumbula, who was both a pupil and a teacher in
Methodist schools. MHOSWA (1980, App. C) names 24 leading national per-
sonalities, including five ministers, who attended school at Chikuni. In Zambia
there is a degree of balance between the denominations in state leadership. By
contrast, in neighbouring Malawi the Presbyterian Church (CCAP) is clearly
dominant in the upper leadership level, although the Catholic Church has more
members there. Of the ten ministers who constituted the Malawian Govern-
ment in 1977, eight had attended Presbyterian schools and two Anglican ones,
and all were active church members (MUFUKA 1977, 202 - 203).
If one considers the elite of the country in a wider sense, a similar picture
emerges: in the only “Who’s who” published for Zambia until now (MLENGA
least arithmetically, an almost ideal regional balance in the provision of pri-
mary schools: in 1970, the ID for the provinces was 2.9. However, by 1976
it had risen again to 5.3, and in 1980 it rose to 6.8. In 1980 the proportion
of primary school pupils in the total number of school age children reached
84%. However, the proportions have since reversed: due to the accelerated
immigration of whole families into towns sufficient primary school places were
no longer available there. Today the most urbanised provinces of Copperbelt
and Lusaka are by far the worst provided for, whereas Luapula, Northern and
North-Western Provinces are in a relatively good position. Southern Province
has been able to retain its relatively favourable situation, which, incidentally,
applies also to its secondary schools (see Tables 10 and 11).
4. The Missions’ Contribution to Elite Formation
It is quite clear that in Africa the missions had a strong influence on the first
generation of national elites who came into power after Independence (LLOYD
1966). This was due to their virtual monopoly of the educational system in the
colonial era. Zambia is a good example of this. The country’s President, Ken-
neth Kaunda, who has been the dominant political figure in the country since
1964, comes from the “mission milieu” and has included missionaries amongst
his closest advisers, both in the fight for Indpendence and for the Presidency
(for example, Colin Morris, Fergus Macpherson and J. Oglethorpe). “Zambian
Humanism” (KAUNDA 1967, 1974) is the state philosophy, and is a variety of
African socialism strongly inspired by Christian ideals. It has its origins in the
close association of Dr Kaunda with the above mentioned and G.-A. Krapf, a
German theologian working at the Mindolo Ecumenical Centre. Apart from
Kaunda, other members of the state leadership have been influenced by the
missions. Simon Kapwepwe, the former Vice President and founder of the
banned United Progressive Party, was Kaunda’s fellow pupil at Lubwa mis-
sion school, and he too became a teacher. Next to Kaunda and Kapwepwe the
most important figure in the fight for Independence and in the first years of
the new republic was Harry Nkumbula, who was both a pupil and a teacher in
Methodist schools. MHOSWA (1980, App. C) names 24 leading national per-
sonalities, including five ministers, who attended school at Chikuni. In Zambia
there is a degree of balance between the denominations in state leadership. By
contrast, in neighbouring Malawi the Presbyterian Church (CCAP) is clearly
dominant in the upper leadership level, although the Catholic Church has more
members there. Of the ten ministers who constituted the Malawian Govern-
ment in 1977, eight had attended Presbyterian schools and two Anglican ones,
and all were active church members (MUFUKA 1977, 202 - 203).
If one considers the elite of the country in a wider sense, a similar picture
emerges: in the only “Who’s who” published for Zambia until now (MLENGA