DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.70004#0189
187
they were obviously put in the category of “non-Witnesses” by the author.
There is a clear difference between the economic activities of Witnesses and
non-Witnesses. Whilst the majority of the latter (80.8%) are subsistence peas-
ants with no cash income, 51.1% of Witnesses have a regular cash income,
either by selling agricultural produce (maize, tobacco), by running a shop or
by another occupation. The difference is statistically significant, established
by LONG (1968 a, 245 - 249) by a Chi-square test. When tobacco was intro-
duced, as an experiment, in Serenje District in 1958, the Witnesses partici-
pated in the project in great numbers. Of the 63 men who had learnt skills
like bricklaying, carpentry, tailoring, metalwork, shoe repairing and car driv-
ing, 27 were Witnesses: again, significantly above average (LONG 1968 b, 406).
Other indicators of the economic role of the Jehovah’s Witnesses included the
ownership of the only two diesel corn mills and four out of the six cars in
the area. They also owned significantly more cattle, modern agricultural im-
plements (e.g. ploughs), radios, Western-type furniture, sewing machines and
brick houses. The distribution of Witnesses and non-Witnesses in three eco-
nomic categories which Long arrived at using Guttman analysis, mainly based
on the availability of “modern” articles, are significantly different. There were
significant educational differences, too. While only 28% of the non-Witnesses
were literate, this was true of 60% of Witnesses. This is a particularly inter-
esting finding, given that for a period the Witnesses boycotted mission schools
and organized a literacy programme of their own. The different settlement
pattern of the Witnesses in the study area, related to the prevalent economic
activities, has been mentioned earlier (p. 121). Their social structure also influ-
ences the settlement pattern as they emphasize the nuclear family as opposed
to the traditional extended family, which they do not regard as God-given
(Long 1968 b, 401 - 402).
Long (1968 a) attributes the innovative role of the Witnesses in Serenje Dis-
trict to the distinctive ethic provided by their faith. He mentions, however,
that the economic ethic of a religious group is dependent on, and therefore
can vary with, the prevailing social and economic conditions, whilst doctrines
and dogma remain unaltered. For instance, in less developed parts of Serenje
District in religious teaching strong emphasis is placed on the imminent ar-
rival of the New Kingdom and on the reward that Witnesses will then get
whereas in the more progressive parts of the district economic activity plays a
more important role as a preparation for the New Kingdom. Amongst fishing
communities around Lake Bangweulu where the Witnesses also have a strong
influence, relatively little importance is attached to the nuclear family (loc.cit.,
204 - 241), although there too the Witnesses are described as enterprising, in-
novative and industrious and they constitute a significant part of the relatively
well-off parts of society (CUNNISON 1958, 13). The relationship between reli-
they were obviously put in the category of “non-Witnesses” by the author.
There is a clear difference between the economic activities of Witnesses and
non-Witnesses. Whilst the majority of the latter (80.8%) are subsistence peas-
ants with no cash income, 51.1% of Witnesses have a regular cash income,
either by selling agricultural produce (maize, tobacco), by running a shop or
by another occupation. The difference is statistically significant, established
by LONG (1968 a, 245 - 249) by a Chi-square test. When tobacco was intro-
duced, as an experiment, in Serenje District in 1958, the Witnesses partici-
pated in the project in great numbers. Of the 63 men who had learnt skills
like bricklaying, carpentry, tailoring, metalwork, shoe repairing and car driv-
ing, 27 were Witnesses: again, significantly above average (LONG 1968 b, 406).
Other indicators of the economic role of the Jehovah’s Witnesses included the
ownership of the only two diesel corn mills and four out of the six cars in
the area. They also owned significantly more cattle, modern agricultural im-
plements (e.g. ploughs), radios, Western-type furniture, sewing machines and
brick houses. The distribution of Witnesses and non-Witnesses in three eco-
nomic categories which Long arrived at using Guttman analysis, mainly based
on the availability of “modern” articles, are significantly different. There were
significant educational differences, too. While only 28% of the non-Witnesses
were literate, this was true of 60% of Witnesses. This is a particularly inter-
esting finding, given that for a period the Witnesses boycotted mission schools
and organized a literacy programme of their own. The different settlement
pattern of the Witnesses in the study area, related to the prevalent economic
activities, has been mentioned earlier (p. 121). Their social structure also influ-
ences the settlement pattern as they emphasize the nuclear family as opposed
to the traditional extended family, which they do not regard as God-given
(Long 1968 b, 401 - 402).
Long (1968 a) attributes the innovative role of the Witnesses in Serenje Dis-
trict to the distinctive ethic provided by their faith. He mentions, however,
that the economic ethic of a religious group is dependent on, and therefore
can vary with, the prevailing social and economic conditions, whilst doctrines
and dogma remain unaltered. For instance, in less developed parts of Serenje
District in religious teaching strong emphasis is placed on the imminent ar-
rival of the New Kingdom and on the reward that Witnesses will then get
whereas in the more progressive parts of the district economic activity plays a
more important role as a preparation for the New Kingdom. Amongst fishing
communities around Lake Bangweulu where the Witnesses also have a strong
influence, relatively little importance is attached to the nuclear family (loc.cit.,
204 - 241), although there too the Witnesses are described as enterprising, in-
novative and industrious and they constitute a significant part of the relatively
well-off parts of society (CUNNISON 1958, 13). The relationship between reli-