DOI Artikel:
Dywan, Tomasz: Od „szkoły berlińskiej” do secesji: przyczynek do architektury miejskich zakładów przemysłowych Lwowa w latach 1858–1914
DOI Seite / Zitierlink:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.51255#0221
the takeover was scheduled to take place in 1898.31 This fact did not motivate
the Dessau company to modernize or expand the Lviv gasworks. It was only as
a result of the investor’s agreement with the municipal government in 1891 that
the furnaces and installations for cooling and purifying the obtained gas were
replaced.32 In the retort house, a battery of three furnaces with ceramic retorts
and external, deeper furnaces (called“semi-generators”), adapted for coke firing,
was erected, replacing the liąuidated furnaces from 1858. This type of furnace had
retorts with twice the capacity compared to those used before, allowing annual
production of up to 2 million m3 of gas.33
Another investment project, involving the construction of a slaughterhouse,
was implemented by the city using its own, municipal resources. In this case,
it was not possible to build it in collaboration with a private investor, because
public slaughterhouses did not generate sufficient income; indeed, they often
generated losses, thus creating a burden on city budgets.34 However, it was be-
lieved that in order to ensure safe sanitary conditions in large cities - as Dor-
othee Brantz and Paula Young Lee point out - it was necessary to depart from
traditional methods of slaughtering animals. Hence, during the second quarter
of the nineteenth century, thanks to the construction of a new type of abattoir
complexes, the evolution of butchering operations “from shed to factory” took
place. The ideas of architects referring to the ideology of the Enlightenment (in-
cluding the concept of the public slaughterhouse by J.-N.-L. Durand), aimed at
improving sanitation and controlling the slaughter of animals, were implemented
on the basis of the decree by Emperor Napoleon of February 9,1810. It was then
that innovative designs of urban slaughterhouse complexes were developed, first
for those constructed in Paris (1818), and later in Rouen (1830), Marseille (1848),
and Lyon (1858). They enabled city authorities to prohibit the slaughter of cattle
in private buildings, and later to transfer such operations to public slaughter-
houses.35 According to the opinion by the professor of the Parisian Ecole des
ponts et chaussees, engineer Louis Bruyere (1758-1831), public slaughterhouses
needed to be “rigorously separated” from residential housing areas. It was also
pointed out that such complexes should not “injure the view” and should look
“nicer than might be expected of such buildings”.36 During the third quarter
31 The issue of communalization of the Lviv gasworks was discussed by Tomasz Dywan {Przemysł
gazowniczy, pp. 98-102).
32 dało, Magistrat król. stół, miasta Lwowa (further: file 3), description 1, case 3858, “Protokół
spisany w skutek komisji odbytej dnia 6 vn 1891 r., przez ankietę wybraną uchwałą iii sekcji
rady miejskiej z dnia 2 VI1891 r.”, f. 2-6.
33 A. Teodorowicz, O rozwoju gazowni, pp. 5-6. Regarding the improving of gas production thanks
to the use of ceramic retorts and external furnaces (generators), compare: J. Kórting, Geschichte
der deutschen, pp. 186-191.
34 D. Burgholz, Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung von Mdrkten, Messen und Schlachthofen (ab ca. 1850
bis zur Gegenwartj,“Zeitschrift fur Unternehmensgeschichte”, 42,1987 (= Kommunale Unterneh-
men. Geschichte und Gegenwart. Referate und Diskussionsbeitrage des 9. Wissenschaftlichen
Symposiums der Gesellschaft fur Unternehmensgeschichte e. V. am 17./18. Januar 1985 in Koln,
edited by H. Pohl, W. Treue), p. 105.
35 D. Brantz, Animal Bodies, Humań Health, and the Reform of Slaughterhouses in Nineteenth-
Century Berlin, in: Meat, Modernity, and the Rise ofthe Slaughterhouse, edited by P. Young Lee,
DurhamNH 2008 (= Becoming Modern: New Nineteenth-Century Studies),pp. 71-76; P. Young
Lee, Siting the Slaughterhouse: From Shed to Factory, in: Meat, Modernity, pp. 47-54.
36 Quoted from: P. Young Lee, Siting the Slaughterhouse, p. 51.
220
ARTICLES
Tomasz Dywan
the Dessau company to modernize or expand the Lviv gasworks. It was only as
a result of the investor’s agreement with the municipal government in 1891 that
the furnaces and installations for cooling and purifying the obtained gas were
replaced.32 In the retort house, a battery of three furnaces with ceramic retorts
and external, deeper furnaces (called“semi-generators”), adapted for coke firing,
was erected, replacing the liąuidated furnaces from 1858. This type of furnace had
retorts with twice the capacity compared to those used before, allowing annual
production of up to 2 million m3 of gas.33
Another investment project, involving the construction of a slaughterhouse,
was implemented by the city using its own, municipal resources. In this case,
it was not possible to build it in collaboration with a private investor, because
public slaughterhouses did not generate sufficient income; indeed, they often
generated losses, thus creating a burden on city budgets.34 However, it was be-
lieved that in order to ensure safe sanitary conditions in large cities - as Dor-
othee Brantz and Paula Young Lee point out - it was necessary to depart from
traditional methods of slaughtering animals. Hence, during the second quarter
of the nineteenth century, thanks to the construction of a new type of abattoir
complexes, the evolution of butchering operations “from shed to factory” took
place. The ideas of architects referring to the ideology of the Enlightenment (in-
cluding the concept of the public slaughterhouse by J.-N.-L. Durand), aimed at
improving sanitation and controlling the slaughter of animals, were implemented
on the basis of the decree by Emperor Napoleon of February 9,1810. It was then
that innovative designs of urban slaughterhouse complexes were developed, first
for those constructed in Paris (1818), and later in Rouen (1830), Marseille (1848),
and Lyon (1858). They enabled city authorities to prohibit the slaughter of cattle
in private buildings, and later to transfer such operations to public slaughter-
houses.35 According to the opinion by the professor of the Parisian Ecole des
ponts et chaussees, engineer Louis Bruyere (1758-1831), public slaughterhouses
needed to be “rigorously separated” from residential housing areas. It was also
pointed out that such complexes should not “injure the view” and should look
“nicer than might be expected of such buildings”.36 During the third quarter
31 The issue of communalization of the Lviv gasworks was discussed by Tomasz Dywan {Przemysł
gazowniczy, pp. 98-102).
32 dało, Magistrat król. stół, miasta Lwowa (further: file 3), description 1, case 3858, “Protokół
spisany w skutek komisji odbytej dnia 6 vn 1891 r., przez ankietę wybraną uchwałą iii sekcji
rady miejskiej z dnia 2 VI1891 r.”, f. 2-6.
33 A. Teodorowicz, O rozwoju gazowni, pp. 5-6. Regarding the improving of gas production thanks
to the use of ceramic retorts and external furnaces (generators), compare: J. Kórting, Geschichte
der deutschen, pp. 186-191.
34 D. Burgholz, Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung von Mdrkten, Messen und Schlachthofen (ab ca. 1850
bis zur Gegenwartj,“Zeitschrift fur Unternehmensgeschichte”, 42,1987 (= Kommunale Unterneh-
men. Geschichte und Gegenwart. Referate und Diskussionsbeitrage des 9. Wissenschaftlichen
Symposiums der Gesellschaft fur Unternehmensgeschichte e. V. am 17./18. Januar 1985 in Koln,
edited by H. Pohl, W. Treue), p. 105.
35 D. Brantz, Animal Bodies, Humań Health, and the Reform of Slaughterhouses in Nineteenth-
Century Berlin, in: Meat, Modernity, and the Rise ofthe Slaughterhouse, edited by P. Young Lee,
DurhamNH 2008 (= Becoming Modern: New Nineteenth-Century Studies),pp. 71-76; P. Young
Lee, Siting the Slaughterhouse: From Shed to Factory, in: Meat, Modernity, pp. 47-54.
36 Quoted from: P. Young Lee, Siting the Slaughterhouse, p. 51.
220
ARTICLES
Tomasz Dywan