DOI article:
Salamon, Maciej: The byzantine gold coin found at Żółków, (southern Poland), and the problem of lightweight solidi in Central Europe
DOI Page / Citation link:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.21228#0107
entered normal trade39 understood as an exchange of goods for money sińce at
that time it would be hard to expect any such trade north of the Carpathians.40
Nor can we rule out - for the period 623-626 - an influx of certain sums (gifts?
tribute?) directly from the empire. Suffice it to mention the long-disputed role
the Byzantines might have played in sparking a possible Slavic rebellion against
the Avars at the time when Samon's State was in the making. Let us also re-
member the still obscure, though possible, Byzantine hand in the migrations of
certain peoples (Serbs and Croats) from the north to the south.41 But even such
action aimed against the Avars must have used routes of communication across
territories under their control.
Without trying to establish the exact circumstances in which the Heraclius'
solidus reached the Wisłoka river, we may nevertheless assume that there were
reasons to justify such coins arriving north of the Carpathians. I believe that this
coin can - with a high degree of certainty - be counted among Avar periphery
finds. The Zółkdw relic may therefore add to the group of items that testify to
a link between Southern Poland and the Avar circle. It also adds to the group
of lightweight solidi in use outside the empire, among barbarie tribes.
LEGEND
Ligthweight 20-carat solidi of approx. 616-625 in Europę (MIB, Heraclius 64 and 65):
* find;
** collection items possibly coming from finds;
*** area where numerous finds were madę of seventh-century lightweight solidi on the central
Dnieper.
Map based on data from H.L. Adelson, W. Hahn, J. Smedley.
39 For the sums of money paid by the kagan himself to northern Slavic tribes, see J. Herrmann,
"Byzanz und die Slawen 'am aufiersten Ende des westlichen Ozeans'," Klio, 54 (1972), p. 317. Various
explanations are offered for the Zemansky Vrbovok hoard, which, though consisting of silver coins,
may be thought of as basically similar to finds of lightweight solidi, cf. E. Kolnikova, "Problemy
tovarovo-pertażnych vzt'ahov na Slovensku v 5.-6. storoći," Slonenskd Numizmatika, 10 (1989), pp.
27-28. Given the missing local goods-for-money exchange, the use of money in long-distance trade
is discussed in A. Fiala, op. cit., pp. 61-62. For a generał discussion of the problem, see J. Gaul,
"Upieniężnienie wymiany w zachodniej części strefy bałtyckiej w 2. połowie V-VI w." {Monetization
of Exchange in the Western Part of the Baltic Zonę in the Second Half of the 5th and in the 6th
Centuries) Wiadomości Numizmatyczne, 23 (1979), pp. 69-86.
40 On the scarcity of coin finds in Poland, see A. Kunisz, Chronologia napływu pieniądza rzymskiego
na ziemie Małopolski {The Chronology of Roman Monetary Inflow in Little Poland) (Wrocław: 1969), p. 131;
M. Parczewski, Początki kultury wczesnosłowiańskiej w Polsce {Early Sianie Culture in Poland} (Wrocław:
1988), p. 96. Let us notę that the Żćłków solidus and other finds contradicted the earlier theory that
claimed that the Avars interrupted the flow of Byzantine coin to Polish territory.
41 Doubts are voiced by G. Labuda, Pierwsze państwo słowiańskie. Państwo Samona (The First Sianie
State. The State of Samon) (Poznań: 1949), pp. 193, 259, 161; W. Szymański, Awarowie..., pp. 42-43;
idem, „Ziemie...", pp. 251-252. Byzantine action is noticed, though not linked with Southern Polish
lands, by H. Łowmiański, op. cit., pp. 406-416; and G. Feher, op. cit., p. 57. By contrast, W. Pohl
(op. cit., pp. 261-268) denies the credibility of respective sources.
105
that time it would be hard to expect any such trade north of the Carpathians.40
Nor can we rule out - for the period 623-626 - an influx of certain sums (gifts?
tribute?) directly from the empire. Suffice it to mention the long-disputed role
the Byzantines might have played in sparking a possible Slavic rebellion against
the Avars at the time when Samon's State was in the making. Let us also re-
member the still obscure, though possible, Byzantine hand in the migrations of
certain peoples (Serbs and Croats) from the north to the south.41 But even such
action aimed against the Avars must have used routes of communication across
territories under their control.
Without trying to establish the exact circumstances in which the Heraclius'
solidus reached the Wisłoka river, we may nevertheless assume that there were
reasons to justify such coins arriving north of the Carpathians. I believe that this
coin can - with a high degree of certainty - be counted among Avar periphery
finds. The Zółkdw relic may therefore add to the group of items that testify to
a link between Southern Poland and the Avar circle. It also adds to the group
of lightweight solidi in use outside the empire, among barbarie tribes.
LEGEND
Ligthweight 20-carat solidi of approx. 616-625 in Europę (MIB, Heraclius 64 and 65):
* find;
** collection items possibly coming from finds;
*** area where numerous finds were madę of seventh-century lightweight solidi on the central
Dnieper.
Map based on data from H.L. Adelson, W. Hahn, J. Smedley.
39 For the sums of money paid by the kagan himself to northern Slavic tribes, see J. Herrmann,
"Byzanz und die Slawen 'am aufiersten Ende des westlichen Ozeans'," Klio, 54 (1972), p. 317. Various
explanations are offered for the Zemansky Vrbovok hoard, which, though consisting of silver coins,
may be thought of as basically similar to finds of lightweight solidi, cf. E. Kolnikova, "Problemy
tovarovo-pertażnych vzt'ahov na Slovensku v 5.-6. storoći," Slonenskd Numizmatika, 10 (1989), pp.
27-28. Given the missing local goods-for-money exchange, the use of money in long-distance trade
is discussed in A. Fiala, op. cit., pp. 61-62. For a generał discussion of the problem, see J. Gaul,
"Upieniężnienie wymiany w zachodniej części strefy bałtyckiej w 2. połowie V-VI w." {Monetization
of Exchange in the Western Part of the Baltic Zonę in the Second Half of the 5th and in the 6th
Centuries) Wiadomości Numizmatyczne, 23 (1979), pp. 69-86.
40 On the scarcity of coin finds in Poland, see A. Kunisz, Chronologia napływu pieniądza rzymskiego
na ziemie Małopolski {The Chronology of Roman Monetary Inflow in Little Poland) (Wrocław: 1969), p. 131;
M. Parczewski, Początki kultury wczesnosłowiańskiej w Polsce {Early Sianie Culture in Poland} (Wrocław:
1988), p. 96. Let us notę that the Żćłków solidus and other finds contradicted the earlier theory that
claimed that the Avars interrupted the flow of Byzantine coin to Polish territory.
41 Doubts are voiced by G. Labuda, Pierwsze państwo słowiańskie. Państwo Samona (The First Sianie
State. The State of Samon) (Poznań: 1949), pp. 193, 259, 161; W. Szymański, Awarowie..., pp. 42-43;
idem, „Ziemie...", pp. 251-252. Byzantine action is noticed, though not linked with Southern Polish
lands, by H. Łowmiański, op. cit., pp. 406-416; and G. Feher, op. cit., p. 57. By contrast, W. Pohl
(op. cit., pp. 261-268) denies the credibility of respective sources.
105