DOI Seite / Zitierlink:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.1167#0200
Cuneiform only makes a difference between three (a, i, u), in some phonetic contexts
between four (e), in rare cases between five (o)a3rl vowel qualities. Furthermore, there is
the possibility of so-called "plene-writing" which is traditionally assumed to have
expressed vowel length; however, more recent research has put serious doubt on this.233
a3a Westenholz (1991) argues that in the case of plene-writing <ii> denotes /u/ whereas
<u> and <u4> denote a distinct phoneme /o/ in certain Old Babylonian texts. It has not
yet been clarified whether this distinction is also applied in some of those
cuneiform documents in which Egyptian words are transcribed.
233 Most cuneiform phonograms express sequences of at least one consonant and one
vowel (e.g. <pa>, <ap>, <pap> etc.). But there are a few signs that indicate smaller
units than this, which are commonly transcribed with single vowel symbols (<a>, <e>,
etc.). Their employment is called plene-writing. There are two different functions of
plene-writing in Akkadian which have to be strictly distinguished:
1) In Old Akkadian the signs used in plene-writing seem primarily to express
consonantal segments, namely glides such as /j/, /w/ and /?/ (cf. Aro 1953: 3f.
and Knudsen 1980: iof.). They can occur in word-initial position; such writings
continue to a certain extent into Old Babylonian but disappear later. They can also
occur in intervocalic position; this possibility likewise becomes restricted in later
times because other signs are developed for expressing glides, however the sign <a>
can be used to express a glide throughout the history of Akkadian.
2) Let us now consider the second function of plene-writing, which is the most wide-
spread one in the post-Old Akkadian period.
There can usually be no more than one plene-writing in a word. (For some rare
exceptions see Hutter 1985: i3.) It is, however, possible for plene-writings in
function 1) and in function 2) to co-occur. On the graphical surface, Akkadian words
may behave with respect to plene-writing in at least four ways: a) plene-writing is
nearly obligatory: su-u (demonstrative pronoun), b) plene-writing is facultative: la
~ la-a (negative particle), c) plene-writing is unusual but does occur: sa (attributive
particle), with occasional sa-a in the Middle Assyrian Law Code, d) plene-writing is
absent. The use of plene-writing is subject to large diachronic and geographical
variation. There are some Akkadian texts, notably the Middle Assyrian Law Code,
several Old Babylonian letters, and some El-Amarna-tablets (Nos. 9, 11, 41, 357;
see Aro 1953: i3 and Hutter 1985: i3f.) that are known to be more favorable
towards plene-writing than most other texts. Aro (1953 and 1971: 248-252) discusses
these, as he puts it, "abnormal plene-writings".
Plene-writings are traditionally taken to be indicators of vowel length. Aside from
plene-writing, two more criteria are traditionally employed for determining vowel
quality in Akkadian, namely: 1) Semitic etymology. It must, however, be admitted
that the correlation between plene-writing and long vowels in other Semitic
languages is far from perfect. 2) The vowel syncopation rule, which plays a major
role in Akkadian morphology, according to which certain vowels are lost whenever
they would appear in an open syllable. It is usually assumed that this loss affects
short vowels under the additional condition that the preceding syllable is likewise
open and contains a short vowel. While the reality of the vowel syncopation rule is
beyond doubt, the traditional explanation based on vowel quantity is not the only
between four (e), in rare cases between five (o)a3rl vowel qualities. Furthermore, there is
the possibility of so-called "plene-writing" which is traditionally assumed to have
expressed vowel length; however, more recent research has put serious doubt on this.233
a3a Westenholz (1991) argues that in the case of plene-writing <ii> denotes /u/ whereas
<u> and <u4> denote a distinct phoneme /o/ in certain Old Babylonian texts. It has not
yet been clarified whether this distinction is also applied in some of those
cuneiform documents in which Egyptian words are transcribed.
233 Most cuneiform phonograms express sequences of at least one consonant and one
vowel (e.g. <pa>, <ap>, <pap> etc.). But there are a few signs that indicate smaller
units than this, which are commonly transcribed with single vowel symbols (<a>, <e>,
etc.). Their employment is called plene-writing. There are two different functions of
plene-writing in Akkadian which have to be strictly distinguished:
1) In Old Akkadian the signs used in plene-writing seem primarily to express
consonantal segments, namely glides such as /j/, /w/ and /?/ (cf. Aro 1953: 3f.
and Knudsen 1980: iof.). They can occur in word-initial position; such writings
continue to a certain extent into Old Babylonian but disappear later. They can also
occur in intervocalic position; this possibility likewise becomes restricted in later
times because other signs are developed for expressing glides, however the sign <a>
can be used to express a glide throughout the history of Akkadian.
2) Let us now consider the second function of plene-writing, which is the most wide-
spread one in the post-Old Akkadian period.
There can usually be no more than one plene-writing in a word. (For some rare
exceptions see Hutter 1985: i3.) It is, however, possible for plene-writings in
function 1) and in function 2) to co-occur. On the graphical surface, Akkadian words
may behave with respect to plene-writing in at least four ways: a) plene-writing is
nearly obligatory: su-u (demonstrative pronoun), b) plene-writing is facultative: la
~ la-a (negative particle), c) plene-writing is unusual but does occur: sa (attributive
particle), with occasional sa-a in the Middle Assyrian Law Code, d) plene-writing is
absent. The use of plene-writing is subject to large diachronic and geographical
variation. There are some Akkadian texts, notably the Middle Assyrian Law Code,
several Old Babylonian letters, and some El-Amarna-tablets (Nos. 9, 11, 41, 357;
see Aro 1953: i3 and Hutter 1985: i3f.) that are known to be more favorable
towards plene-writing than most other texts. Aro (1953 and 1971: 248-252) discusses
these, as he puts it, "abnormal plene-writings".
Plene-writings are traditionally taken to be indicators of vowel length. Aside from
plene-writing, two more criteria are traditionally employed for determining vowel
quality in Akkadian, namely: 1) Semitic etymology. It must, however, be admitted
that the correlation between plene-writing and long vowels in other Semitic
languages is far from perfect. 2) The vowel syncopation rule, which plays a major
role in Akkadian morphology, according to which certain vowels are lost whenever
they would appear in an open syllable. It is usually assumed that this loss affects
short vowels under the additional condition that the preceding syllable is likewise
open and contains a short vowel. While the reality of the vowel syncopation rule is
beyond doubt, the traditional explanation based on vowel quantity is not the only