DOI Seite / Zitierlink:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16521#0005
Intrffhtctiffit.
♦
VOLUME VIII.--JANUARY TO JUNE, 1845.
THE PEEL CABINET—1845.
First Lord of the Treasury . ..... . . Sir R. Peel.
Lord Chancellor........... • Lord Lyndhurst.
Chancellor of the Exchequer........... Right Hon. H. Goulburn.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster......... Lord Granville.
President of the Council......... . . Lord Wharncliffe.
Privy Seal.............. Duke of Bucgleuch and Queensbkrry.
Home Secretary.............. Sir James Graham.
Foreign Secretary............. Earl of Aberdeen.
Colonial Secretary............ Lord Stanley.
Commander in Chief............ Duke of Wellington.
First Lord of the Admiralty........... Earl of Haddington.
First Commissioner of Land Revenue......... Earl of Lincoln.
President of the Board of Control.......... Earl of Ripon.
Secretary at War........... . Rt. Hon. Sidney Herbert.
Paymaster-General ............ Sir E. Kna¥CHBULL.
POLITICAL
A. OK
39 rpHE year 1845 began very auspiciously. [The Agricul-
tural Question Settled.] The harvest had been good,
although the agriculturist still complained loudly, and trade
was generally prosperous. The Revenue had improved and
the great increase of Railway undertakings gave evidence of
the monetary condition of the people. The Queen's Speech at
the opening of Parliament was very well received except in a
few instances by the country party, who complained that no
relief to agriculture had been promised, and there were burthens
upon land which demanded immediate removal. Lord John
Russell also took exception to the conclusion of the Tahiti
affair, -which he considered to have been compromised in a way
very unacceptable to the people of this country. The con-
dition of Ireland appeared to him to be very unsatisfactory,
and the proposed plan of Academical Education in Ireland had
compelled the withdrawal of Mr. Gladstone from the Cabinet.
The O'Connell trial by its unfairness had produced feelings of
distrust, and Lord Denman had declared " that if trials were
to be conducted in that way, the trial by jury was a delusion,
a mockery and a snare."
Lord John quoted the Charitable Bequests Bill, as calcu-
lated to excite suspicion, not only in Ireland, but in England.
The unpopularity of that measure in Ireland was attributable
to want of csnfidence in the party which introduced it, the
party which had inflamed religious prejudices for years, and
it could not be wondered at that such phrases as " surpliced
ruffians " and " demon priesthood " should be flung back
again, now that the Ministry sought to adopt a better policy.
Mr. Gladstone entered into an explanation of his reasons
for retiring from the Ministry, and which we give at length :—
" I have not resigned on account of the intention of the Government, so
far as I have a knowledge of it. to introduce any measure relating to the
SUMMARY.
PAQB
Church of England or of Ireland. The cause, then, I am about to lay before
the House, is the sole cause which has led to the step I have adopted. I had
taken upon myself some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely is not now
the question, to state to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and
deliberate, not under the influence of momentary consideration nor impelled
by the her.t and pressure of debate, the views which I entertained on the
subject of the relation of a Christian state in its alliance with a Christian
church. Of all subjects, therefore, which could be raised, this I had treated
in a manner the most detailed and deliberate. I have never, however, been
guilty of the folly which has been charged upon me by some, of holding that
there were any theories which were to be regarded alike under all circum-
stances as immutable and unalterable. But, on the other hand, I have a
strong conviction, speaking under ordinary circumstances and as a general
rule, that those who have borne solemn testimony on great constitutional
questions ought not to be parties to proposing a material departure from
them. It may be in the recollection of the House that my right honourable
friend at the head of the Government did, towards the close of last Session,
allude to inquiries he was about to make into the possibility of extending
academical education in Ireland, and indicate the spirit in which that im-
portant matter might be dealt with. I am not in possession of the mature
intentions of the Government, and can only refer to them so far as they are
known to me. I am bound to say, in regard to what the Government con-
template in regard to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth—a subject to
which my right honourable friend made distinct allusion—that 1 know
nothing beyond what might fairly be inferred from what my right honour-
able friend then said. But those intentions were at variance with what I
have stated as the best and most salutary principles, anu in my view,
a departure from them: I do not mean a first departure from them:
but I think the public would feel, and justly feel, that the spirit of that
measure did involve a material alteration of the system which upon its
own merits I have felt it my duty to advocate. I therefore held it to be
my duty, whenever such a measure came before the House, to apply my
mind to its consideration free from all biassed or selfish considerations,
and with the sole and single view of arriving at such a conclusion as upon
the whole the interests of the country and the circumstances of the case
might seem to demand. Again I tell the House, I am sensible howfallible my
judgment is, and how easily I might have erred; but still it has been my
conviction, and although I was not to fetter my judgment as a Member of
Parliament by a reference to abstract theories, yet, on the other hand, it was
absolutely due to the public, and due to myself, that I should, so far as in me
lay, place myself in a position to form an opinion upon a matter of so great
importance, that should not only be actually free from all bias or leaning with
respect to any considerations whatsoever, but an opinion that should be un-
suspected. On that account, I have taken a course most painful to myself in
respect to personal feelings, and have separated myself from men with whom
and under whom I have long acted in public life, and of whom I am bound to
say, although I have now no lonarer the honour of serving my Most Gracious
♦
VOLUME VIII.--JANUARY TO JUNE, 1845.
THE PEEL CABINET—1845.
First Lord of the Treasury . ..... . . Sir R. Peel.
Lord Chancellor........... • Lord Lyndhurst.
Chancellor of the Exchequer........... Right Hon. H. Goulburn.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster......... Lord Granville.
President of the Council......... . . Lord Wharncliffe.
Privy Seal.............. Duke of Bucgleuch and Queensbkrry.
Home Secretary.............. Sir James Graham.
Foreign Secretary............. Earl of Aberdeen.
Colonial Secretary............ Lord Stanley.
Commander in Chief............ Duke of Wellington.
First Lord of the Admiralty........... Earl of Haddington.
First Commissioner of Land Revenue......... Earl of Lincoln.
President of the Board of Control.......... Earl of Ripon.
Secretary at War........... . Rt. Hon. Sidney Herbert.
Paymaster-General ............ Sir E. Kna¥CHBULL.
POLITICAL
A. OK
39 rpHE year 1845 began very auspiciously. [The Agricul-
tural Question Settled.] The harvest had been good,
although the agriculturist still complained loudly, and trade
was generally prosperous. The Revenue had improved and
the great increase of Railway undertakings gave evidence of
the monetary condition of the people. The Queen's Speech at
the opening of Parliament was very well received except in a
few instances by the country party, who complained that no
relief to agriculture had been promised, and there were burthens
upon land which demanded immediate removal. Lord John
Russell also took exception to the conclusion of the Tahiti
affair, -which he considered to have been compromised in a way
very unacceptable to the people of this country. The con-
dition of Ireland appeared to him to be very unsatisfactory,
and the proposed plan of Academical Education in Ireland had
compelled the withdrawal of Mr. Gladstone from the Cabinet.
The O'Connell trial by its unfairness had produced feelings of
distrust, and Lord Denman had declared " that if trials were
to be conducted in that way, the trial by jury was a delusion,
a mockery and a snare."
Lord John quoted the Charitable Bequests Bill, as calcu-
lated to excite suspicion, not only in Ireland, but in England.
The unpopularity of that measure in Ireland was attributable
to want of csnfidence in the party which introduced it, the
party which had inflamed religious prejudices for years, and
it could not be wondered at that such phrases as " surpliced
ruffians " and " demon priesthood " should be flung back
again, now that the Ministry sought to adopt a better policy.
Mr. Gladstone entered into an explanation of his reasons
for retiring from the Ministry, and which we give at length :—
" I have not resigned on account of the intention of the Government, so
far as I have a knowledge of it. to introduce any measure relating to the
SUMMARY.
PAQB
Church of England or of Ireland. The cause, then, I am about to lay before
the House, is the sole cause which has led to the step I have adopted. I had
taken upon myself some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely is not now
the question, to state to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and
deliberate, not under the influence of momentary consideration nor impelled
by the her.t and pressure of debate, the views which I entertained on the
subject of the relation of a Christian state in its alliance with a Christian
church. Of all subjects, therefore, which could be raised, this I had treated
in a manner the most detailed and deliberate. I have never, however, been
guilty of the folly which has been charged upon me by some, of holding that
there were any theories which were to be regarded alike under all circum-
stances as immutable and unalterable. But, on the other hand, I have a
strong conviction, speaking under ordinary circumstances and as a general
rule, that those who have borne solemn testimony on great constitutional
questions ought not to be parties to proposing a material departure from
them. It may be in the recollection of the House that my right honourable
friend at the head of the Government did, towards the close of last Session,
allude to inquiries he was about to make into the possibility of extending
academical education in Ireland, and indicate the spirit in which that im-
portant matter might be dealt with. I am not in possession of the mature
intentions of the Government, and can only refer to them so far as they are
known to me. I am bound to say, in regard to what the Government con-
template in regard to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth—a subject to
which my right honourable friend made distinct allusion—that 1 know
nothing beyond what might fairly be inferred from what my right honour-
able friend then said. But those intentions were at variance with what I
have stated as the best and most salutary principles, anu in my view,
a departure from them: I do not mean a first departure from them:
but I think the public would feel, and justly feel, that the spirit of that
measure did involve a material alteration of the system which upon its
own merits I have felt it my duty to advocate. I therefore held it to be
my duty, whenever such a measure came before the House, to apply my
mind to its consideration free from all biassed or selfish considerations,
and with the sole and single view of arriving at such a conclusion as upon
the whole the interests of the country and the circumstances of the case
might seem to demand. Again I tell the House, I am sensible howfallible my
judgment is, and how easily I might have erred; but still it has been my
conviction, and although I was not to fetter my judgment as a Member of
Parliament by a reference to abstract theories, yet, on the other hand, it was
absolutely due to the public, and due to myself, that I should, so far as in me
lay, place myself in a position to form an opinion upon a matter of so great
importance, that should not only be actually free from all bias or leaning with
respect to any considerations whatsoever, but an opinion that should be un-
suspected. On that account, I have taken a course most painful to myself in
respect to personal feelings, and have separated myself from men with whom
and under whom I have long acted in public life, and of whom I am bound to
say, although I have now no lonarer the honour of serving my Most Gracious