DOI issue:
May 13, 1865
DOI Page / Citation link: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16875#0197
May 13, 1865.]
189
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
I
PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
ON day, May 1. In
the Lords Earl
Russell moved,
and Lord Derby
seconded, and in
the Commons Sir
G. Grey (Lord
Palmerston being
ill) moved, and Mr.
Disraeli seconded,
an address to the
Queen, expressing
sorrow and indigna-
tion at the assassi-
nation of Mr. Lin-
coln, and praying
Her Majesty to
communicate those
U sentiments to the
Government of the
United States. In
each case the motion
was unanimously
agreed to; in the
Lords Viscount
Stratford de
Redcuffe, who
had sojourned in other days in America, adding a few words of testimony to the
worth of the murdered President. Later in the week, Her Majesty’s replies
were delivered by the Lord Chamberlain and by Lord Proby. The Queen
(be it mentioned here that the Royal Widow has addressed an autograph letter of
kindly sympathy to the Republican Widow) entirely participates in the sentiments
of the Houses, and has given directions to Sir Frederick Bruce, our Minister at
Washington, to make known the feelings of the Queen and people of England to
the American Government.
May Day. As was predicted by Mr. Punch, the Bill for doing away with certain
Declarations by Dissenters, on taking office, came to grief. Lord Houghton
moved it in a clever speech, and Lord Derby opposed it, stating, however, that
the Declaration was not worth the paper it was written on, if regarded as a protec-
tion to the Church. But he thought that the enemies of the Church were
excessively Cocky, and that as giving up one thing only led to their demand of
another, he should take the liberty of shutting them up on the present occasion.
The Bill was thrown out by 72 to 49. Speaking impartially, yet with allowance for
human nature, Mr. Punch is not inclined to be too severe about this, for there was
a Liberation Society holding conferences in London, and day by day proclaiming
in the most exultant manner, that either by sap or by storm it was doing all sorts
of damage to the Church. And this Bill was part of its programme. A statesman
should do right in spite of friends whom he despises, and enemies whom he hates,
but Lord Derby is not perhaps so entirely angelic as one of his political friends.
Mr. Erith paints a picture of the Derby Day. Mr. Jacob Bell buys it, and
hands it to Mr. Gambart to exhibit for five years. Mr. Bell bequeaths the
picture to the National Gallery, and goes where the good Quakers go. The trustees
ask the executors for the picture. The executors ask Mr. Gambart for the
picture. Mr. Gambart says that he has sent the picture to the uttermost parts of
the earth, but he thinks it may be home in August. This is Mr. Thomas Baring’s
answer to Mr. Gregory. The Horses of Venice, previously esteemed the most
travelled of artistic works, have been stay-at-homes compared with the Horses of
England—which the picture does not represent, by the way, as it represents the
period “ between races; ” but we were not going to lose an allusion and a chance
of showing our elegant knowledge, for the sake of accuracy, though we explain
the truth, for the sake of conscientiousness.
An admirable measure, worth a hundred clap-trap Bills, was read a Second Time.
It is a Government Bill, and is for the Amendment of the Law of Partnership.
The attempt to reform the law in this particular has been made before, but in vain;
and the usual cackle about innovation, speculation, and fraud has been uttered.
But the House of Commons read the Bill a Second Time to-day by 126 to 39, so
that its ultimate success is a mere question of time. When it is passed, we incline
to think that we shall put a little money into Mr. Thomas Baring’s house, not-
withstanding his having opposed the Bill.
Tuesday. My Lords send the Public Schools Bill to a Select Committee, who
will hear counsel. We hope the Blue Coat School will appear, and beg to be
deprived of its breeches.
A final attempt was made by the obstructives to delay the passing of the Courts
of Justice Bill, but Lord Westbury declared emphatically that nothing would
ever be done if nothing was ever begun, and that for forty years we had been con-
sidering, and hesitating, and postponing, and he fairly shoved the House over the
fence. Resistance was put down by 55 to 32, and the Bill, and also the Concentra-
tion Bill went a-head. Lord Ellenborough said that the proposed edifice would
require a Michael Angelo, whom he did not see. Let him call at 85, Elect
Street, and see the required Michael,
Many Indian officers have a grievance, arising out of the transfer of the Com-
pany’s Army to the Queen. Captain Jervis moved an
address for redress. Government opposed, Sir Charles
Wood arguing elaborately and incomprehensibly against
the plea. But Government were beaten by 49 to 39.
This reminds us that the Hon. George Denman ought
to be at once put to death. We have the utmost per-
sonal respect for him as a gentleman, a lawyer, and an
athlete, but he must really die the death and be slain
as a traitor. He actually argued, in an Indian case the
other day, that the Queen, in regard to India, was no
Queen at all, but only a Trustee for John Company.
Will he oblige us by sending a note to Sir John EoxBur-
goyne, who, we rejoice to see, has had his long and admi-
rable services recognised by his being made Constable of the
Tower, and say when it will be convenient for him, Mr.
Denman, to attend on Tower Hill. Why Mr. Justice
Blackburn did not commit him on the spot is a question
which like How Does the Water come Down at Lodore ?
is more easily asked than answered.
Bank Notes of England are to be made a legal tender in
Ireland. To do our Irish fellow-creatures justice (though
it is just the thing they don’t like) we never knew them
refuse any little document of the kind. But they may re-
quire new lights on banking subjects. It was in Ireland
that the people of a town, hating a certain banker, collected
all his notes and burned them publicly, in order to ruin him.
Wednesday. Began the Baines Bother—every incident
requires a name, for easy reference. Of course, we could
say that this debate was upon Mr. Baines’s measure
for reducing the franchise in boroughs from £10 to
£6 per annum. (Mr. Baines moved the Second Reading,
Mr. Bazley seconded it, and Lord Elcho moved the
previous question, Mr. Black supporting him, and
Mr. Leatham speaking for the Bill. Then did rise
Mr. Robert Lowe in all his force, and, speaking as a
Liberal, and one who had suffered for being one (the
Tories who had driven him from office here blushed. like
cabbage-roses) he warned the Liberals against an alliance
with Democracy. He cited the celebrated petition of three
millions of the people against paying the interest of the
National Debt as proof of the mode in which sacred matters
would be dealt with, if we took power from education and
property and give it to those who live on weekly wages. He
said that any man could have the suffrage, if he chose to
give up 120 quarts of beer in the year, that the man who
would not make that sacrifice did not deserve the trust,
and that it ought not to be degraded. He made a vigorous
and emphatic appeal against swamping the representation.
The House was astonished, but cheered, and when he sat
down, and a Scotch lawyer rose, they would not have him,
but called on Mr. Bernal Osborne, as they wanted to be
treated pleasantly after excitement. The proceedings ended
in a row over the adjournment, and after a scene which was
laughable enough, the debate “dropped through” at a
quarter to six. How Mr. Lowe has since been abused by
certain organs it is needless to say, but he is as well as can
be expected.
Thursday. Lord Derby, in seconding the motion for the
address to the American Government, had said that if the
South had countenanced the assassination, they would have
been guilty of what was worse than a crime—a blunder.
His friend and fellow-translator, Lord Ravensworth
asked him for a translation of this phrase, which has been
severely commented upon. This gave Lord Derby a
double opportunity—he explained that he had used the
words only in the sense of their reputed author, the es-
teemed and respected Talleyrand, who meant to say that
Napoleon the Eirst, when he murdered _ the Due
d’Engi-iien, did that which was more seriously.mischievous,
his own position considered, than a private crime could be.
Lord Derby also could not have supposed, until informed
by Lord Ravensworth, that anyone could have misunder-
stood him. This was a polite way of informing the Times
that he does not read its leading articles.
Lord St. Leonards opposed an Irish Law Reform Bill
because it struck at the existence of dealings between
attorneys and landowners, and transferred conveyancing
business to a Court of Record. If any reader hastily
imagines that because we are writing of a great, grave,
learned Law Lord, we must have written “ opposed ” in
mistake for “ warmly supported,” that reader should look
to the Reports, and, though the statement is almost
incredible, he will find that we are correct. We shall
hear of his Lordship’s opposing Yaccination next, because
it strikes at the existence of Small-Pox.
189
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
I
PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
ON day, May 1. In
the Lords Earl
Russell moved,
and Lord Derby
seconded, and in
the Commons Sir
G. Grey (Lord
Palmerston being
ill) moved, and Mr.
Disraeli seconded,
an address to the
Queen, expressing
sorrow and indigna-
tion at the assassi-
nation of Mr. Lin-
coln, and praying
Her Majesty to
communicate those
U sentiments to the
Government of the
United States. In
each case the motion
was unanimously
agreed to; in the
Lords Viscount
Stratford de
Redcuffe, who
had sojourned in other days in America, adding a few words of testimony to the
worth of the murdered President. Later in the week, Her Majesty’s replies
were delivered by the Lord Chamberlain and by Lord Proby. The Queen
(be it mentioned here that the Royal Widow has addressed an autograph letter of
kindly sympathy to the Republican Widow) entirely participates in the sentiments
of the Houses, and has given directions to Sir Frederick Bruce, our Minister at
Washington, to make known the feelings of the Queen and people of England to
the American Government.
May Day. As was predicted by Mr. Punch, the Bill for doing away with certain
Declarations by Dissenters, on taking office, came to grief. Lord Houghton
moved it in a clever speech, and Lord Derby opposed it, stating, however, that
the Declaration was not worth the paper it was written on, if regarded as a protec-
tion to the Church. But he thought that the enemies of the Church were
excessively Cocky, and that as giving up one thing only led to their demand of
another, he should take the liberty of shutting them up on the present occasion.
The Bill was thrown out by 72 to 49. Speaking impartially, yet with allowance for
human nature, Mr. Punch is not inclined to be too severe about this, for there was
a Liberation Society holding conferences in London, and day by day proclaiming
in the most exultant manner, that either by sap or by storm it was doing all sorts
of damage to the Church. And this Bill was part of its programme. A statesman
should do right in spite of friends whom he despises, and enemies whom he hates,
but Lord Derby is not perhaps so entirely angelic as one of his political friends.
Mr. Erith paints a picture of the Derby Day. Mr. Jacob Bell buys it, and
hands it to Mr. Gambart to exhibit for five years. Mr. Bell bequeaths the
picture to the National Gallery, and goes where the good Quakers go. The trustees
ask the executors for the picture. The executors ask Mr. Gambart for the
picture. Mr. Gambart says that he has sent the picture to the uttermost parts of
the earth, but he thinks it may be home in August. This is Mr. Thomas Baring’s
answer to Mr. Gregory. The Horses of Venice, previously esteemed the most
travelled of artistic works, have been stay-at-homes compared with the Horses of
England—which the picture does not represent, by the way, as it represents the
period “ between races; ” but we were not going to lose an allusion and a chance
of showing our elegant knowledge, for the sake of accuracy, though we explain
the truth, for the sake of conscientiousness.
An admirable measure, worth a hundred clap-trap Bills, was read a Second Time.
It is a Government Bill, and is for the Amendment of the Law of Partnership.
The attempt to reform the law in this particular has been made before, but in vain;
and the usual cackle about innovation, speculation, and fraud has been uttered.
But the House of Commons read the Bill a Second Time to-day by 126 to 39, so
that its ultimate success is a mere question of time. When it is passed, we incline
to think that we shall put a little money into Mr. Thomas Baring’s house, not-
withstanding his having opposed the Bill.
Tuesday. My Lords send the Public Schools Bill to a Select Committee, who
will hear counsel. We hope the Blue Coat School will appear, and beg to be
deprived of its breeches.
A final attempt was made by the obstructives to delay the passing of the Courts
of Justice Bill, but Lord Westbury declared emphatically that nothing would
ever be done if nothing was ever begun, and that for forty years we had been con-
sidering, and hesitating, and postponing, and he fairly shoved the House over the
fence. Resistance was put down by 55 to 32, and the Bill, and also the Concentra-
tion Bill went a-head. Lord Ellenborough said that the proposed edifice would
require a Michael Angelo, whom he did not see. Let him call at 85, Elect
Street, and see the required Michael,
Many Indian officers have a grievance, arising out of the transfer of the Com-
pany’s Army to the Queen. Captain Jervis moved an
address for redress. Government opposed, Sir Charles
Wood arguing elaborately and incomprehensibly against
the plea. But Government were beaten by 49 to 39.
This reminds us that the Hon. George Denman ought
to be at once put to death. We have the utmost per-
sonal respect for him as a gentleman, a lawyer, and an
athlete, but he must really die the death and be slain
as a traitor. He actually argued, in an Indian case the
other day, that the Queen, in regard to India, was no
Queen at all, but only a Trustee for John Company.
Will he oblige us by sending a note to Sir John EoxBur-
goyne, who, we rejoice to see, has had his long and admi-
rable services recognised by his being made Constable of the
Tower, and say when it will be convenient for him, Mr.
Denman, to attend on Tower Hill. Why Mr. Justice
Blackburn did not commit him on the spot is a question
which like How Does the Water come Down at Lodore ?
is more easily asked than answered.
Bank Notes of England are to be made a legal tender in
Ireland. To do our Irish fellow-creatures justice (though
it is just the thing they don’t like) we never knew them
refuse any little document of the kind. But they may re-
quire new lights on banking subjects. It was in Ireland
that the people of a town, hating a certain banker, collected
all his notes and burned them publicly, in order to ruin him.
Wednesday. Began the Baines Bother—every incident
requires a name, for easy reference. Of course, we could
say that this debate was upon Mr. Baines’s measure
for reducing the franchise in boroughs from £10 to
£6 per annum. (Mr. Baines moved the Second Reading,
Mr. Bazley seconded it, and Lord Elcho moved the
previous question, Mr. Black supporting him, and
Mr. Leatham speaking for the Bill. Then did rise
Mr. Robert Lowe in all his force, and, speaking as a
Liberal, and one who had suffered for being one (the
Tories who had driven him from office here blushed. like
cabbage-roses) he warned the Liberals against an alliance
with Democracy. He cited the celebrated petition of three
millions of the people against paying the interest of the
National Debt as proof of the mode in which sacred matters
would be dealt with, if we took power from education and
property and give it to those who live on weekly wages. He
said that any man could have the suffrage, if he chose to
give up 120 quarts of beer in the year, that the man who
would not make that sacrifice did not deserve the trust,
and that it ought not to be degraded. He made a vigorous
and emphatic appeal against swamping the representation.
The House was astonished, but cheered, and when he sat
down, and a Scotch lawyer rose, they would not have him,
but called on Mr. Bernal Osborne, as they wanted to be
treated pleasantly after excitement. The proceedings ended
in a row over the adjournment, and after a scene which was
laughable enough, the debate “dropped through” at a
quarter to six. How Mr. Lowe has since been abused by
certain organs it is needless to say, but he is as well as can
be expected.
Thursday. Lord Derby, in seconding the motion for the
address to the American Government, had said that if the
South had countenanced the assassination, they would have
been guilty of what was worse than a crime—a blunder.
His friend and fellow-translator, Lord Ravensworth
asked him for a translation of this phrase, which has been
severely commented upon. This gave Lord Derby a
double opportunity—he explained that he had used the
words only in the sense of their reputed author, the es-
teemed and respected Talleyrand, who meant to say that
Napoleon the Eirst, when he murdered _ the Due
d’Engi-iien, did that which was more seriously.mischievous,
his own position considered, than a private crime could be.
Lord Derby also could not have supposed, until informed
by Lord Ravensworth, that anyone could have misunder-
stood him. This was a polite way of informing the Times
that he does not read its leading articles.
Lord St. Leonards opposed an Irish Law Reform Bill
because it struck at the existence of dealings between
attorneys and landowners, and transferred conveyancing
business to a Court of Record. If any reader hastily
imagines that because we are writing of a great, grave,
learned Law Lord, we must have written “ opposed ” in
mistake for “ warmly supported,” that reader should look
to the Reports, and, though the statement is almost
incredible, he will find that we are correct. We shall
hear of his Lordship’s opposing Yaccination next, because
it strikes at the existence of Small-Pox.