THE THRESHING MACHINE
i79
Fig. 13. Power of horse-driven threshing machines
1831-1850.
Leistung der von Pferden gezogenen Dreschma-
schinen 1831-1850.
water-powered machines were originally typ-
ical only in the north and that, though they
spread to other areas, particularly the Tyne
Valley, only in the north was water always
more important than any other motive force.
Steam-powered machines made their appear-
ance during the second period and were orig-
inally restricted to the northern coastal area.
Figure 10 shows most of these still in this area,
but several examples are found in the south-
east and further inland in the north. Wind
machines were never important in North-
umberland and Figure 10 would seem to sug-
gest that experiments with this form of power
had failed.
The third series, Figures 11, 12 and 13,
shows the distribution and power of horse-
driven threshing machines during these pe-
riods. Again, the dominance of mills worked
by between four and six horses is apparent.
There seems to have been little difference be-
tween the distribution patterns of four- and
those of six-horse machines and, with the ex-
ception of the north, the frequency of ma-
chines of this power is roughly proportional
to the frequency of threshing machines in gen-
eral. The almost total absence of horse-pow-
ered machines on the arable land of the
north-west and far north is the most striking
feature of this series.
While the general pattern of the first series
conforms to that of Hellen’s map, Figure 7
shows no evidence of nearly 30 % of wheel-
houses above the 500 foot contour that Hellen
found ( Hellen 145). In particular, the group-
ings that he found on the Upper Coquet, and
on the North and South Tyne are missing.
Consequently it may be assumed that the
adoption of threshing machines had not
reached saturation point by 1850 (or 1840,
assuming a ten-year time lag for this evidence)
and that threshing machines with horses as
their motive power had still to spread, not
necessarily to areas of marginal arable land for
there is no evidence of significant land use
change in upland areas in Northumberland
during the early years of the 19th century
(Macdonald 231-32), but to areas where the
use of the threshing machine was of marginal
economy (fig. 12).
Evidently these highland wheelhouses were
not built before 1840 and it may be wondered
how anxious anyone anywhere in the country
was to make any major new investment in
arable farming after about 1870. Hence a
mid-century date for these machines would
seem likely were it not for the suspicion that,
in the second half of the 19th century, when
many farmers preferred to employ portable
i79
Fig. 13. Power of horse-driven threshing machines
1831-1850.
Leistung der von Pferden gezogenen Dreschma-
schinen 1831-1850.
water-powered machines were originally typ-
ical only in the north and that, though they
spread to other areas, particularly the Tyne
Valley, only in the north was water always
more important than any other motive force.
Steam-powered machines made their appear-
ance during the second period and were orig-
inally restricted to the northern coastal area.
Figure 10 shows most of these still in this area,
but several examples are found in the south-
east and further inland in the north. Wind
machines were never important in North-
umberland and Figure 10 would seem to sug-
gest that experiments with this form of power
had failed.
The third series, Figures 11, 12 and 13,
shows the distribution and power of horse-
driven threshing machines during these pe-
riods. Again, the dominance of mills worked
by between four and six horses is apparent.
There seems to have been little difference be-
tween the distribution patterns of four- and
those of six-horse machines and, with the ex-
ception of the north, the frequency of ma-
chines of this power is roughly proportional
to the frequency of threshing machines in gen-
eral. The almost total absence of horse-pow-
ered machines on the arable land of the
north-west and far north is the most striking
feature of this series.
While the general pattern of the first series
conforms to that of Hellen’s map, Figure 7
shows no evidence of nearly 30 % of wheel-
houses above the 500 foot contour that Hellen
found ( Hellen 145). In particular, the group-
ings that he found on the Upper Coquet, and
on the North and South Tyne are missing.
Consequently it may be assumed that the
adoption of threshing machines had not
reached saturation point by 1850 (or 1840,
assuming a ten-year time lag for this evidence)
and that threshing machines with horses as
their motive power had still to spread, not
necessarily to areas of marginal arable land for
there is no evidence of significant land use
change in upland areas in Northumberland
during the early years of the 19th century
(Macdonald 231-32), but to areas where the
use of the threshing machine was of marginal
economy (fig. 12).
Evidently these highland wheelhouses were
not built before 1840 and it may be wondered
how anxious anyone anywhere in the country
was to make any major new investment in
arable farming after about 1870. Hence a
mid-century date for these machines would
seem likely were it not for the suspicion that,
in the second half of the 19th century, when
many farmers preferred to employ portable