DOI issue:
Vol. VI : 4 1991
DOI article:Shinde, Vasant: Two unique agricultural implements from Walki: a chalcolithic farmstead in Western India
DOI Page / Citation link:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.49003#0225
A CHALCOLITHIC FARMSTEAD IN WESTERN INDIA
211
hearths for each cluster were outside in the
open (Shinde 1989, Dhavalikar et al., 1990
and Shinde in press).
Almost all the circular huts exposed at
Walki were devoid of walls and there was no
passage around them for draining out the rain
water. This suggests that they were possibly
not occupied during the rainy season. Sec-
ondly the domestic hearths of these people
were located outside, which strengthens the
argument that the occupants of these houses
did not live here during the rainy season. The
domestic hearths do not appear to have been
used for long periods as their sides and bot-
toms were not burnt red. These hearths were
most probably make-shift and their existence
could be ascertained only on the basis of the
evidence of ash and bits of charcoal. In the
central part of the habitation were encoun-
tered altogether nine rectangular structures
with somewhat well made floors. These
structures had low mud walls, obviously to
prevent the rain water from entering them
(Shinde 1989). Above these mud walls were
probably wattle and daub constructions for a
number of burnt clay lumps with reed im-
pressions were collected from these houses.
They could have been occupied by those who
lived there throughout the year to protect the
farmstead.
Ethnographic study of the present-day sea-
sonal labourers, who appear to be at a level of
technology, subsistence and settlement that
was similar to those we had postulated for the
prehistoric farming community at Walki,
enabled us to postulate that the circular
flimsy huts were occupied by seasonal
labourers who came here to work in arable
fields and rectangular houses by those who
acted as caretaker of the farmstead. There is
sufficient evidence to presume that Walki was
the farmstead of Inamgaon, a large settlement
of the same culture, 27 km to the east. Besides
Inamgaon being the closest large settlement
to Walki, the evidence of the burial of an
adult with cut off feet at Walki is significant.
This particular custom was in vogue only at
Inamgaon in Western India, suggesting there-
by that the same people could have occupied
the farmstead at Walki. The study of the pot-
tery, including the statistical analysis, indica-
tes that it was obtained from Inamgaon. The
excavation has demonstrated that in an agri-
cultural society there exists a symbiotic rela-
tionship between landowners and landless la-
bourers. The study has also shown that the
construction activities and selection of certain
types of dwelling structures are largely deter-
mined by the function of a site.
Considering the discovery of the bone ard-
ploughshare, the antler seed drill and their
close proximity to a very fertile tract of arable
land, there is hardly any doubt that the peo-
ple occupying this settlement mainly carried
out agricultural operations.
Barley, which does not require winter rain-
fall and which can be harvested within 60
days, could have been the main crop here as
elsewhere in the Deccan (Shinde 1987). The
chalcolithic people at Walki could have sub-
sisted to a great extent on animal food if the
large number of remains of bone is any indi-
cation.
It is highly likely that the ancient site at
Walki was occupied sometime in the 13th or
12th century B. C. which mark the heyday of
the chalcolithic activities in the Deccan. The
farmstead could have been deserted around
1000 B. C. when the increasing aridity, as the
Inamgaon evidence suggests, compelled the
chalcolithic people to change their subsi-
stence pattern from an agricultural to a Pasto-
ral way of life (Dhavalikar 1984). When the
parent settlement was on the decline because
of frequent drought, there was no point in
cultivating lands at the farmstead. Hence
sometime in the 10th century B. C. the site of
Walki was abandoned. The clods of burnt
211
hearths for each cluster were outside in the
open (Shinde 1989, Dhavalikar et al., 1990
and Shinde in press).
Almost all the circular huts exposed at
Walki were devoid of walls and there was no
passage around them for draining out the rain
water. This suggests that they were possibly
not occupied during the rainy season. Sec-
ondly the domestic hearths of these people
were located outside, which strengthens the
argument that the occupants of these houses
did not live here during the rainy season. The
domestic hearths do not appear to have been
used for long periods as their sides and bot-
toms were not burnt red. These hearths were
most probably make-shift and their existence
could be ascertained only on the basis of the
evidence of ash and bits of charcoal. In the
central part of the habitation were encoun-
tered altogether nine rectangular structures
with somewhat well made floors. These
structures had low mud walls, obviously to
prevent the rain water from entering them
(Shinde 1989). Above these mud walls were
probably wattle and daub constructions for a
number of burnt clay lumps with reed im-
pressions were collected from these houses.
They could have been occupied by those who
lived there throughout the year to protect the
farmstead.
Ethnographic study of the present-day sea-
sonal labourers, who appear to be at a level of
technology, subsistence and settlement that
was similar to those we had postulated for the
prehistoric farming community at Walki,
enabled us to postulate that the circular
flimsy huts were occupied by seasonal
labourers who came here to work in arable
fields and rectangular houses by those who
acted as caretaker of the farmstead. There is
sufficient evidence to presume that Walki was
the farmstead of Inamgaon, a large settlement
of the same culture, 27 km to the east. Besides
Inamgaon being the closest large settlement
to Walki, the evidence of the burial of an
adult with cut off feet at Walki is significant.
This particular custom was in vogue only at
Inamgaon in Western India, suggesting there-
by that the same people could have occupied
the farmstead at Walki. The study of the pot-
tery, including the statistical analysis, indica-
tes that it was obtained from Inamgaon. The
excavation has demonstrated that in an agri-
cultural society there exists a symbiotic rela-
tionship between landowners and landless la-
bourers. The study has also shown that the
construction activities and selection of certain
types of dwelling structures are largely deter-
mined by the function of a site.
Considering the discovery of the bone ard-
ploughshare, the antler seed drill and their
close proximity to a very fertile tract of arable
land, there is hardly any doubt that the peo-
ple occupying this settlement mainly carried
out agricultural operations.
Barley, which does not require winter rain-
fall and which can be harvested within 60
days, could have been the main crop here as
elsewhere in the Deccan (Shinde 1987). The
chalcolithic people at Walki could have sub-
sisted to a great extent on animal food if the
large number of remains of bone is any indi-
cation.
It is highly likely that the ancient site at
Walki was occupied sometime in the 13th or
12th century B. C. which mark the heyday of
the chalcolithic activities in the Deccan. The
farmstead could have been deserted around
1000 B. C. when the increasing aridity, as the
Inamgaon evidence suggests, compelled the
chalcolithic people to change their subsi-
stence pattern from an agricultural to a Pasto-
ral way of life (Dhavalikar 1984). When the
parent settlement was on the decline because
of frequent drought, there was no point in
cultivating lands at the farmstead. Hence
sometime in the 10th century B. C. the site of
Walki was abandoned. The clods of burnt