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The formuła „to put one's hand/finger to one's lips" implies that one commits oneself to keep>
silence, which is a sign of prudence, respect, amazement or even regret for one's former lack
of restraint.

In the Vulgate, the „hand" from the Hebrew original has been replaced by the „finger",
which essentially modifies the biblical image. St Jerome did not translate all the Books of the
Bibie. The Latin text of the Book of Wisdom, and the Ecclesiast bring version older than that
of St. Jerome. In his Iooser renderings of the Hebrew text, the translator substituted the „finger'r
for the „hand" because he believed the expression „put one's finger to one's mouth" to be more
intelligible to his Latin reader. An important ąuestion arises: was it originally a customary
gesture made to impose oneself silence, or did it become symbolic because it was interpreted
in this way? To answer the ąuestion, we should tracę the gesture back to its origin in con-
temporary authors.

A study of the biblical formuła of the gesture of silence will be a significant introduction to
our interpretation of St.Anne of Faras' gesture of silence. The main research problem consists in
grasping the ideological content of silence in this particular case. We shall start by making
a survey of various representations of the hand raised to the mouth, thus, a sign to def ine various
functions of it, as well as motives for making the gesture and the states of mind that accompany it.

Ancient thinkers were convinced that, in addition to the verbally articulated language, there
was another language — that of gestures21. For instance, putting one's forefinger or the tips of
one's four fingers to the lower lip was to signify reflection. Putting one's finger to one's lips had
two basie interpretations: silence and reflection. Scholars tried to derive the latter interpretation
from the former on the ground that in daily practice the simple gesture signifying reflection
was originally that of silence. Though formally these two gestures may appear ąuite identical,
apart from the difference in meaning, they are different because the former is deliberate and
symbolic, while the latter is spontaneous and often ąuite unconscious22.

We find an early ancient example of the gesture in a Greek relief in which Cecrops, half-manT
half-snake, the mythical founder of Athens and the builder of the Acropolis, raises his finger to
his lips, and, lost in thoughts, watches Athene taking little Erichthonios away from Gea to
rear him (Fig. 10)!3.

In a Pompeian painting representing the Sacrifice of Iphigenia, old priest Calchas, grief-
-stricken, holds the tip of his forefinger to his underlip (Fig. II)24.

21. C. Sittl, Die Gebarden der Grleehen und Romer, Leipzig, 1890; F. Grajew, Unlersuchungen liber die Bedeutung der Gebdrden in
der griechischen Epik, Frciburg i. Br, 1934; F. Low, „Die Finger in Literatur und Folklore der Juden" in: Gedenkbuch
sur Erinnerung an David Kauffrnann, Breslau, 1989, p. 61—85; p. 79: Quintillian's praise of gesticulation: Eloąuentia ma-
nus est omnium haminum communis sermo; J. Jucker, Der Geslus des Aposkopein. Ein Beitrag sum Gebdrdensprache in der anti-
ken Kunst. Ziirich, 1956, p. 111—120: Zum Gestus des Aposkopein in der nachantiken Kunst: Natiuitas Christi (the shcperds-
astonished by the Annunciation shelter thcir eyes). Transfiguratio Christi (three Apostlcs), Resurrection (terror-strikeń-
guards).

22. J. Gwyn Griffits, Plutarclis De Iside et Osiride, Cambridge, 1970, s.v. finger-to-mouth, gesture of Harpocratos (Horus-
-the-Child): The infant Horus is described as early as the Pyranlid Texts (663 c) as the young child with the finger in his-
mouth; Plutarch iiber Isis und Osiris, II Teil. Die Sage. Tcxt, tjbersetzung und Kommentar von Th. Hopfner, Prag, 1940;.
II Teil, Die Bedeutung der Sage, Prag 1941, cf. Graeco-Roman statuette strowing the finger on the lips rather than in the-
mouth; the esplantion of this charaeteristic gesture as a symbol of reserye and silence as a product of the interpretatio
graeca (Varro, Ovid, Ausonius Damascios, Pliny the Elder).

23. J. J. Tikkanen, „Zwei Gebarden mit dem Zeigefinger", Acta Societatis Scienliarum Fennicae, XLIII, N° 2, Helsingfors,
1913, p. 1—107; Ch. R. Morey, Early Christian Art, Princeton, 1953, p. 265, Fig. 29; D. V. Ainalov, The Hellenistic Origin
of Bysanline Art, New Brunswick, 1961, p. 151, Fig. 71.

24. Naples, Museo Nazionalc: the mural in the Casa dcl Poeta Tragico: A. Springer, Die Kunst des Altertums, Leipzig, 1923,
Fig. 968; Tikkanen, op. cii., p. 6, Fig. 4; Morey, op. cit., p. 40, Fig. 29.

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