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DOI Artikel:Miziołek, Jerzy: The story of Lucretia on an Early-Renaissance "Cassone" at the National Museum in Warsaw
DOI Seite / Zitierlink: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.18943#0055
from the ex-Parisian collection of Spiridon, depicting the statues of eight figures
standing under an arcade of pointed arches between twisting columns (Fig. 19)49.
This cassone, bearing an inscription: 10 Dl LUCREZIA ROMANA SONO LO
SCHIAVO ANNO DM MCCCCXXII was considered by Schubring as being of
Umbrian origin.50The year 1422, in the case of the group of cassoni in pastiglia dorata
discussed i n this article, represents — a part from the study of clothing — the datę post
quem for the whole group. But, is it really possible to uphold Schubring's hypothesis
concerning their Umbrian origins in the absence of morę complete documentation?
it should be added at this point that yet another cassone depicting the story of
Lucretia identified by Schubring with Umbria and dated c. 1440 is to be found in the
National Gallery of Umbria at Perugia (Fig. 20).51 Some researchers, however, are of
the opinion that this superbly preserved cassone, comprising scenes of high artistic
quality portraying the successive arrival of Sextus Tarquin at Collatium, his entrance
into Lucretia's chamber and finally her death in the presence of a large group of
witnesses, was madę in the mid-15th century in Florence.52 A rich design of
five-petalled flowers decorates the lower part of this cassone. Similar flower patterns
are to be found in a scene of the Feast at Collatium on the cassoneUocc Drey's antique
shop (Figs. 1 6,18). Dogs, another shared element of thesetwo cassonialso appear on
the Warsaw cassone. The group of cassoni depicting the story of Lucretia and
personifications of the virtues may well have arisen in the early phase of some Tuscan
(or Umbrian) workshop's activity, in the second quarter of the 1 5th century. This
workshop's output might in time have acquired such a high standard as to produce
works of the kind preserved in Perugia. The above datę is suggested, by studying the
43. L. Faenson, Italian cassoni from the Art Collections of Soviet Museums, Leningrad, 1983, no. 33-7, also
here the reproduction of yet another similar cassone from the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. Another,
almost identical, cassone can be seen in the Museo di Palazzo Venezia in Romę— cf. T. Pignati, Mobili
italian idei Rinascimento, M i la no, 1962, i I. on p. 38. For the iconography of the Virtuessee R. Tuve, „Notes
on the Virtues and Vices". Part I: „Two Fifteenth-Century Lines of Dependence on the Thirteenth and
Twelfth Centuries", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXVI, 1963, pp. 264-303, where,
amona otherthings, the depictina of Fortit u do with an anvil is discussed and illustrated (pp. 278 and 281;
Figs. 32d and 34a).
44. J. Pope-Hennessy and K. Christiansen, „Secular Painting in 1 5th Century Tuscany: Birth Trays, Cassone
Panels and Portraits,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, XXXVIII, 1980, no. 1, p. 14, il. 8.
45. See N. Rubinstein „Political Ideas in Sienese Art: the Frescoes by Ambrogio Lorenzetti and Taddeo di
Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXI, 1958, pp.
179-207 and PI. 17 a-e. See also L. Vertova, „Cieli senesi di virtu: inediti di Andrea di Niccoló e del
Maestro di Griselda", in: Scrittidistoria delFarte in onore di FedericoZeri, I, Milano, 1984, pp. 200-212.
46. Schubring, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 139 ff, 337, 419 f.
47. Cf. notes 37 and 38. The hypothesis concerning the Lombard origins of the Urbino cassone seems
unconvincing. The story of Lucretia makes its appearance in the whole of Lombardy only once in a single
cassonedating from c. 1460-70 and is in total contrast to the images discussed in this article, cf. W. Terni
de Gregory, Pittura artigiana lombarda del Rinascimento, Milano, 1958, pp. 58 ff„ il. 55; see also
Schubring, op. cit., no 727. For cassoni produced in Lombardy see also G. Rosa, / mobili nelle civiche
raccolte artistiche di Milano, Milano, 1963. For cassoni in Veneto see Alberici, op. cit. De Winter, op. cit.,
has shown that many smali pastigilia boxes which are obviously shaped in imitation of cassonidecorated
with gilt gesso may have been produced in Veneto; however, the manufacturing technique of the cassoni
and the pastiglia boxes was quite different.; see also Hildburgh, op. cit. On cassoni in Marche, M. Trionfi
Honorati, II mobile Marchigiano, Milano, 1971.
48. Trionfi Honorati, op. cit., p. 8.
49. Schubring, op. cit., pp. 139, 337, vol. II, CXVI.
50. On this inscription cf. Stechow, „Lucretiae Statuae”, op. cit., p. 120.
51. Schubring, op. cit., no. 492, vol. I, p. 338, without reproductions. Cf. U. Gnoli, L'arte Umbra, Bergamo,
1908, no. 249; F. Santi, Galleria Nazionale delFUmbria, Roma, 1 985, no. 281, pp. 264 f. Both Gnoli and
Santi identify them as being Florentine. The cassone measuring (53 x 194 x 63)belongs to one of the
largest to have survived to our times.
52. Gnoli, op. cit., no. 249; Santi, op. cit., pp. 264 f.
49
standing under an arcade of pointed arches between twisting columns (Fig. 19)49.
This cassone, bearing an inscription: 10 Dl LUCREZIA ROMANA SONO LO
SCHIAVO ANNO DM MCCCCXXII was considered by Schubring as being of
Umbrian origin.50The year 1422, in the case of the group of cassoni in pastiglia dorata
discussed i n this article, represents — a part from the study of clothing — the datę post
quem for the whole group. But, is it really possible to uphold Schubring's hypothesis
concerning their Umbrian origins in the absence of morę complete documentation?
it should be added at this point that yet another cassone depicting the story of
Lucretia identified by Schubring with Umbria and dated c. 1440 is to be found in the
National Gallery of Umbria at Perugia (Fig. 20).51 Some researchers, however, are of
the opinion that this superbly preserved cassone, comprising scenes of high artistic
quality portraying the successive arrival of Sextus Tarquin at Collatium, his entrance
into Lucretia's chamber and finally her death in the presence of a large group of
witnesses, was madę in the mid-15th century in Florence.52 A rich design of
five-petalled flowers decorates the lower part of this cassone. Similar flower patterns
are to be found in a scene of the Feast at Collatium on the cassoneUocc Drey's antique
shop (Figs. 1 6,18). Dogs, another shared element of thesetwo cassonialso appear on
the Warsaw cassone. The group of cassoni depicting the story of Lucretia and
personifications of the virtues may well have arisen in the early phase of some Tuscan
(or Umbrian) workshop's activity, in the second quarter of the 1 5th century. This
workshop's output might in time have acquired such a high standard as to produce
works of the kind preserved in Perugia. The above datę is suggested, by studying the
43. L. Faenson, Italian cassoni from the Art Collections of Soviet Museums, Leningrad, 1983, no. 33-7, also
here the reproduction of yet another similar cassone from the Minneapolis Institute of Arts. Another,
almost identical, cassone can be seen in the Museo di Palazzo Venezia in Romę— cf. T. Pignati, Mobili
italian idei Rinascimento, M i la no, 1962, i I. on p. 38. For the iconography of the Virtuessee R. Tuve, „Notes
on the Virtues and Vices". Part I: „Two Fifteenth-Century Lines of Dependence on the Thirteenth and
Twelfth Centuries", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXVI, 1963, pp. 264-303, where,
amona otherthings, the depictina of Fortit u do with an anvil is discussed and illustrated (pp. 278 and 281;
Figs. 32d and 34a).
44. J. Pope-Hennessy and K. Christiansen, „Secular Painting in 1 5th Century Tuscany: Birth Trays, Cassone
Panels and Portraits,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, XXXVIII, 1980, no. 1, p. 14, il. 8.
45. See N. Rubinstein „Political Ideas in Sienese Art: the Frescoes by Ambrogio Lorenzetti and Taddeo di
Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXI, 1958, pp.
179-207 and PI. 17 a-e. See also L. Vertova, „Cieli senesi di virtu: inediti di Andrea di Niccoló e del
Maestro di Griselda", in: Scrittidistoria delFarte in onore di FedericoZeri, I, Milano, 1984, pp. 200-212.
46. Schubring, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 139 ff, 337, 419 f.
47. Cf. notes 37 and 38. The hypothesis concerning the Lombard origins of the Urbino cassone seems
unconvincing. The story of Lucretia makes its appearance in the whole of Lombardy only once in a single
cassonedating from c. 1460-70 and is in total contrast to the images discussed in this article, cf. W. Terni
de Gregory, Pittura artigiana lombarda del Rinascimento, Milano, 1958, pp. 58 ff„ il. 55; see also
Schubring, op. cit., no 727. For cassoni produced in Lombardy see also G. Rosa, / mobili nelle civiche
raccolte artistiche di Milano, Milano, 1963. For cassoni in Veneto see Alberici, op. cit. De Winter, op. cit.,
has shown that many smali pastigilia boxes which are obviously shaped in imitation of cassonidecorated
with gilt gesso may have been produced in Veneto; however, the manufacturing technique of the cassoni
and the pastiglia boxes was quite different.; see also Hildburgh, op. cit. On cassoni in Marche, M. Trionfi
Honorati, II mobile Marchigiano, Milano, 1971.
48. Trionfi Honorati, op. cit., p. 8.
49. Schubring, op. cit., pp. 139, 337, vol. II, CXVI.
50. On this inscription cf. Stechow, „Lucretiae Statuae”, op. cit., p. 120.
51. Schubring, op. cit., no. 492, vol. I, p. 338, without reproductions. Cf. U. Gnoli, L'arte Umbra, Bergamo,
1908, no. 249; F. Santi, Galleria Nazionale delFUmbria, Roma, 1 985, no. 281, pp. 264 f. Both Gnoli and
Santi identify them as being Florentine. The cassone measuring (53 x 194 x 63)belongs to one of the
largest to have survived to our times.
52. Gnoli, op. cit., no. 249; Santi, op. cit., pp. 264 f.
49