THE LANGUAGE OF PROPAGANDA OF THE YEAR OF THE FOUR EMPERORS...
meaning. They express revolt and objection to the way power was wielded by the
emperor Nero14. They refer to the deified persons of Augustus and his wife Livia,
perhaps in order to cali upon the good traditions and examples which had emerged
during Augustus’ principate15. The propaganda content on the coins of Clodius L.
Macer, the rebellious legate of the province Africa, may be regarded as another me-
ans of protesting against the way in which Nero exercised his power16.
The principal motto of the revolt against the autocratic rule of Nero may be
said to have been Libertas, which had appeared in the history of the principate
only once before, during the reign of Claudius, in the one and only one issue of
bronzes17, and the coins from the series stressed the abandonment of the practices
known from the time of Gaius. It is worth noting that Libertas already appeared in
the anonymous coinage assigned to Galba (only on gold and silver)18, as well as
on the coinage of Clodius Macer19. Nevertheless, on the coins signed with Galba’s
14 For the chronology of events in the year AD 68 see SHOTTER, “A Time-Table...”, pp. 59-74; cf. DAŁY,
“Verginius at Vesontio...”, pp. 75-100; see recently CASTILLO, “The Emperor Galba's...”, pp. 449-461.
15 RIC2, vol. 1 (CW) Nos. 81-117; see similarly KUNISZ, « La propagandę de Fideologie... », pp. 136-137;
and also CHRIST, Geschichte der Rómischen Kaiserzeit..., p. 244; RIC2, vol. 1, pp. 199-200; CARSON, Coins of the
Roman Empire, p. 20; KUNISZ, Mennictwo w Cesarstwie..., p. 101; MARTIN, Die anonymen Munzen..., pp. 28-29;
MANNSPERGER, „ROM.ET.AUG...”, p. 960 and KRAAY, “The Coinage of Vindex and Galba...”, pp. 147-148.
16 The legends and representations put on the coinage at the time indicating links with the republican tradi-
tion seem to have been only a reflection of certain stereotypical formulas used purely pragmatically in the then
existing political situation. The figurę of Clodius Macer is the subject matter of a recently published monograph
by KUNISZ, L ’insurrection de Clodius Macer..., who points outs (pp. 69-70) that the rangę of proposals regarding
Macer’s political programme was extensive, and subscribes to the thesis that he was one of the last military leaders
fighting for the restoration of the Republic. See differently K.V. HEWITT, “The Coinage of L. Clodius Macer (AD
68)”, Numismatic Chronicie, 143, 1983, p. 65 - “by the usage of the letters SC on denarii Macer invariably reverted
to this practice of Republican days, sińce senatorial tradition was particularly strong in Africa (...) and many of the
designs have great affinity with those of the Republican era, to which appeal was clearly being madę in order to
justify the overthrow of Nero in a period of generał unrest”; similarly RIC2, vol. 1, p. 188 and SUTHERLAND,
Roman History and Coinage..., pp. 108-109, who thinks that “Macer’s coins indicated that he, like Galba initially
professed his activity - and his coinage - to be on behalf of the senate against Nero (...) and his publicly professed
object was to secure naval control of the central Mediterranean across to Sicily and thence to Romę, and thus also of
the com-ships sailing to Romę from Africa and Egypt”. See also CARSON, Coins ofthe Roman Empire, pp. 18-19
“The motivation for his revolt may have been opposition to Nero’s autocracy and pro-senatorial, as the presence of
SC on his coins suggests”. Of interest is the use of republican rhetoric on the coins - above all the letters S.C., the
avoidance of the image and the application of the genitive form of the issuer’s name: L CLODI MACRI - RIC2,
vol. 1 (Clodius Macer) Nos. 1-33. It was only in the last issue that the image of Macer, together with his name in
the nominative case, was used on the obverse.
17 RIC2, vol. 1 (Claudius) No. 97 (as) - the fuli reverse legend LIBERTAS AVGVSTA SC illustrated with
the personification of standing Libertas, with pileus in her right hand and with her left hand outstreched. See also
E. RAMAGE, „Denigration of Predecessor under Claudius, Galba and Vespasian“, Historia, 32, 1983, pp. 202-203.
18 RIC2, vol. 1 (Galba) No. 24 (denarius) - with the fuli LIBERTAS obverse legend; No. 25 - (denari-
us) the LIBERTAS PR obverse legend; No. 26 (aureus) with the obverse legend LIBERTAS RESTITVTA. Cf.
C. J. HOWGEGO, “Why did Ancient States strike Coins?”, Numismatic Chronicie, 150, 1990, p. 73, who, talking
about this coinage type, indicates that: “Nero had instituted a cult of Jupiter Liberator and had been hailed as Zeus
Eleutherios following his proclamation of the freedom of Greece. Galba’s coinage implied the opposite: the loss of
libertas under Nero, and the conseąuent justification of tyrannicide”. See recently CODY, “Conąuerors and Con-
ąuered on Flavian Coins”, pp. 117-119, who explains the use of the inscription Restitutio on Roman coinage.
19 RIC2, vol. 1 (Clodius Macer) Nos. 19-21 have on the obverse a representation of standing draped Liber-
tas, who is holding a pileus in her right hand and a patera in her left - both HEWITT, “The Coinage of L. Clodius
meaning. They express revolt and objection to the way power was wielded by the
emperor Nero14. They refer to the deified persons of Augustus and his wife Livia,
perhaps in order to cali upon the good traditions and examples which had emerged
during Augustus’ principate15. The propaganda content on the coins of Clodius L.
Macer, the rebellious legate of the province Africa, may be regarded as another me-
ans of protesting against the way in which Nero exercised his power16.
The principal motto of the revolt against the autocratic rule of Nero may be
said to have been Libertas, which had appeared in the history of the principate
only once before, during the reign of Claudius, in the one and only one issue of
bronzes17, and the coins from the series stressed the abandonment of the practices
known from the time of Gaius. It is worth noting that Libertas already appeared in
the anonymous coinage assigned to Galba (only on gold and silver)18, as well as
on the coinage of Clodius Macer19. Nevertheless, on the coins signed with Galba’s
14 For the chronology of events in the year AD 68 see SHOTTER, “A Time-Table...”, pp. 59-74; cf. DAŁY,
“Verginius at Vesontio...”, pp. 75-100; see recently CASTILLO, “The Emperor Galba's...”, pp. 449-461.
15 RIC2, vol. 1 (CW) Nos. 81-117; see similarly KUNISZ, « La propagandę de Fideologie... », pp. 136-137;
and also CHRIST, Geschichte der Rómischen Kaiserzeit..., p. 244; RIC2, vol. 1, pp. 199-200; CARSON, Coins of the
Roman Empire, p. 20; KUNISZ, Mennictwo w Cesarstwie..., p. 101; MARTIN, Die anonymen Munzen..., pp. 28-29;
MANNSPERGER, „ROM.ET.AUG...”, p. 960 and KRAAY, “The Coinage of Vindex and Galba...”, pp. 147-148.
16 The legends and representations put on the coinage at the time indicating links with the republican tradi-
tion seem to have been only a reflection of certain stereotypical formulas used purely pragmatically in the then
existing political situation. The figurę of Clodius Macer is the subject matter of a recently published monograph
by KUNISZ, L ’insurrection de Clodius Macer..., who points outs (pp. 69-70) that the rangę of proposals regarding
Macer’s political programme was extensive, and subscribes to the thesis that he was one of the last military leaders
fighting for the restoration of the Republic. See differently K.V. HEWITT, “The Coinage of L. Clodius Macer (AD
68)”, Numismatic Chronicie, 143, 1983, p. 65 - “by the usage of the letters SC on denarii Macer invariably reverted
to this practice of Republican days, sińce senatorial tradition was particularly strong in Africa (...) and many of the
designs have great affinity with those of the Republican era, to which appeal was clearly being madę in order to
justify the overthrow of Nero in a period of generał unrest”; similarly RIC2, vol. 1, p. 188 and SUTHERLAND,
Roman History and Coinage..., pp. 108-109, who thinks that “Macer’s coins indicated that he, like Galba initially
professed his activity - and his coinage - to be on behalf of the senate against Nero (...) and his publicly professed
object was to secure naval control of the central Mediterranean across to Sicily and thence to Romę, and thus also of
the com-ships sailing to Romę from Africa and Egypt”. See also CARSON, Coins ofthe Roman Empire, pp. 18-19
“The motivation for his revolt may have been opposition to Nero’s autocracy and pro-senatorial, as the presence of
SC on his coins suggests”. Of interest is the use of republican rhetoric on the coins - above all the letters S.C., the
avoidance of the image and the application of the genitive form of the issuer’s name: L CLODI MACRI - RIC2,
vol. 1 (Clodius Macer) Nos. 1-33. It was only in the last issue that the image of Macer, together with his name in
the nominative case, was used on the obverse.
17 RIC2, vol. 1 (Claudius) No. 97 (as) - the fuli reverse legend LIBERTAS AVGVSTA SC illustrated with
the personification of standing Libertas, with pileus in her right hand and with her left hand outstreched. See also
E. RAMAGE, „Denigration of Predecessor under Claudius, Galba and Vespasian“, Historia, 32, 1983, pp. 202-203.
18 RIC2, vol. 1 (Galba) No. 24 (denarius) - with the fuli LIBERTAS obverse legend; No. 25 - (denari-
us) the LIBERTAS PR obverse legend; No. 26 (aureus) with the obverse legend LIBERTAS RESTITVTA. Cf.
C. J. HOWGEGO, “Why did Ancient States strike Coins?”, Numismatic Chronicie, 150, 1990, p. 73, who, talking
about this coinage type, indicates that: “Nero had instituted a cult of Jupiter Liberator and had been hailed as Zeus
Eleutherios following his proclamation of the freedom of Greece. Galba’s coinage implied the opposite: the loss of
libertas under Nero, and the conseąuent justification of tyrannicide”. See recently CODY, “Conąuerors and Con-
ąuered on Flavian Coins”, pp. 117-119, who explains the use of the inscription Restitutio on Roman coinage.
19 RIC2, vol. 1 (Clodius Macer) Nos. 19-21 have on the obverse a representation of standing draped Liber-
tas, who is holding a pileus in her right hand and a patera in her left - both HEWITT, “The Coinage of L. Clodius