• sT-KTO /'tktj/ (rare, usually KTO by cluster simplification in Sahidic and TAKTO in
Bohairic) "to turn", cf. sK(uT€ /'kota/ "to turn"238
• sT-C€lO AsjV "to satiate", cf. Hiei /'si/ "to become satiated"
• sT-CTO /'tsto/ "to return (trans.)", cf. ^COT /'sot/ "to return (intrans.)"
• sT-2IO /'thja/ "to let fall", cf. ^e /'he/ "to fall"
These cases are not therefore likely to be good examples of morpheme-initial consonant
clusters. The situation is more doubtful for s&niO /'cpja/ "to blame" (cf. HOIJie /'Jipa/ "to
be ashamed") where A is written instead of *TUJ.
There is a more ancient causative formation with C- of which there are only a few
examples left in Coptic which are probably no longer synchronically analysable as such:
• sC-°,0'iropT /'shwort/ "to curse (stative)" (simplex not preserved in Coptic)
• sc-ep&oj /'skiraht/ "to be quiet (stative)" (cf. sepu)?, "to lack")
• Also K-liOMi /'sIijdim/, plural of H^IAG /'shima/ "woman", is a former compound
the synchronic status of which is dubitable.
Finally, there remain a few words in which the complex initial cluster never contained a
morpheme boundary to the best of my knowledge:
snCTAIOTr /'pstaju/ "90"
• settle /'sjfe/ (but more commonly written UJMe) "70"
sUjniHT /'Jpjet/ "humble"
• sUJJlJv&K /'Jplak/ (a measure)
4.9.3.4 Morpheme-final two-consonantal clusters composed of obstruents
Stops and fricatives can be combined with each other, e.g.:
seiMT /'ift/ "nail", ^COKUJ /'lokf/ "to be weak", sMu£9, /'loch/ "to crush", sMKOTK /n'kotk/
"to sleep", sOTGOen /'wokip/ "to break", s(0Ce /'oski/ "to smear".
I have observed the following restrictions:
• a is not attested in the second position.
• n and K cannot precede other stops.
• Two fricatives can only be combined in the order % /h/ - UJ /// - C /s/ - 4 HI, i.e. the
spirant which has a more backwards place of articulation comes first in a cluster.
Compared to the corresponding Egyptian forms, metathesis has frequently taken
place here. This rule is less strict in Akhmimic where the original sequence has
sometimes been preserved. Examples:
sfhw "seven" > KAUJM /'sajf/ (instead of *C^qtt|), "C&gq /'saxf/ (instead of *C^g),
wsh "large" > sOTCBUJc /'woJV (Akhmimic still has OTCOCO. /'wosx/), hh "to reap" >
sti^C /'ohs/ (Akhmimic still has CDCg /'osx/).
228 I discuss the relationship of KCCTG, KTO, and TKTO in more detail in Peust (1999).
190
Bohairic) "to turn", cf. sK(uT€ /'kota/ "to turn"238
• sT-C€lO AsjV "to satiate", cf. Hiei /'si/ "to become satiated"
• sT-CTO /'tsto/ "to return (trans.)", cf. ^COT /'sot/ "to return (intrans.)"
• sT-2IO /'thja/ "to let fall", cf. ^e /'he/ "to fall"
These cases are not therefore likely to be good examples of morpheme-initial consonant
clusters. The situation is more doubtful for s&niO /'cpja/ "to blame" (cf. HOIJie /'Jipa/ "to
be ashamed") where A is written instead of *TUJ.
There is a more ancient causative formation with C- of which there are only a few
examples left in Coptic which are probably no longer synchronically analysable as such:
• sC-°,0'iropT /'shwort/ "to curse (stative)" (simplex not preserved in Coptic)
• sc-ep&oj /'skiraht/ "to be quiet (stative)" (cf. sepu)?, "to lack")
• Also K-liOMi /'sIijdim/, plural of H^IAG /'shima/ "woman", is a former compound
the synchronic status of which is dubitable.
Finally, there remain a few words in which the complex initial cluster never contained a
morpheme boundary to the best of my knowledge:
snCTAIOTr /'pstaju/ "90"
• settle /'sjfe/ (but more commonly written UJMe) "70"
sUjniHT /'Jpjet/ "humble"
• sUJJlJv&K /'Jplak/ (a measure)
4.9.3.4 Morpheme-final two-consonantal clusters composed of obstruents
Stops and fricatives can be combined with each other, e.g.:
seiMT /'ift/ "nail", ^COKUJ /'lokf/ "to be weak", sMu£9, /'loch/ "to crush", sMKOTK /n'kotk/
"to sleep", sOTGOen /'wokip/ "to break", s(0Ce /'oski/ "to smear".
I have observed the following restrictions:
• a is not attested in the second position.
• n and K cannot precede other stops.
• Two fricatives can only be combined in the order % /h/ - UJ /// - C /s/ - 4 HI, i.e. the
spirant which has a more backwards place of articulation comes first in a cluster.
Compared to the corresponding Egyptian forms, metathesis has frequently taken
place here. This rule is less strict in Akhmimic where the original sequence has
sometimes been preserved. Examples:
sfhw "seven" > KAUJM /'sajf/ (instead of *C^qtt|), "C&gq /'saxf/ (instead of *C^g),
wsh "large" > sOTCBUJc /'woJV (Akhmimic still has OTCOCO. /'wosx/), hh "to reap" >
sti^C /'ohs/ (Akhmimic still has CDCg /'osx/).
228 I discuss the relationship of KCCTG, KTO, and TKTO in more detail in Peust (1999).
190