DOI Heft:
March 28, 1874
DOI Seite / Zitierlink:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16938#0133
128
[Mabch 28, 1874.
PUNCH, OB, THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
THE POLICE AND THE PUBLIC.
Magistrate. “ You say, Prisoner, you’ve a Complaint against the Con-
stable. What is it?”
Prisoner. “Please, Sir, he took me Unawares, Sir!”
claim of the minority ? As for confiscating the Land, how comes it that, since
the passing of the Irish Land Act, the market value of Irish estates has risen ?
And how came Conservatives to vote with Liberals on its Second Leading,
442 Ayes to 11 Noes ?
Lord B. Montagu wanted to know why, if the Colonies had their Parliaments,
Ireland should not have hers ? Sir Bobert has one qualification for an Irish
Member, he does not feel a non sequitur.
Probably he will pooh-pooh such answers as,—First, that Ireland is not a
! Colony; secondly, that the Colonies are not represented, as Ireland is, in the
! Imperial Parliament.
Captain Nolan, Galway County, Ilome-Buler, disclaims for his friends any
wish for separation. He thinks the Coercion Laws press hard on farmers, who
can’t carry fire-arms for the protection of their crops (but when it becomes a
question between rooks and landlords, Captain Nolan ?).
Mr. "W. Johnston (Belfast) protests against any further attempt to conciliate
a party which can never be conciliated with safety to the British Empire, and
honour to the British Crown. Home-Bule means Borne Buie. Though “ Na-
tional ” papers might exult over everything that injured England, even over
the prospect of disaster to British arms in Ashantee, forgetting that Sir Garnet
Wolseley was an Irishman, Ulster would always resist the dismemberment of
! the Empire.
Mr. Mitchell Henry was all for conciliating. Home-Bule does not mean
rebellion. It is rebellion’s remedy. _ Ireland is losing population; and if she is
increasing her bankers’ deposits, it is because she is afraid to use her money.
Sir M. Hicks Beach (Secretary for Ireland) rejoiced to find all Home-Bulers
agreed on one point, that Home-Bule does not mean separation from the Empire.
But what does it mean ? There’s the rub.
For the Priesthood Home-Rule means denominational education, supported by grants
of money; for the Farmers Home-Rule means the transference of property from their
landlords to themselves. Home-Rule means purchase of Irish Railways: higher salaries
of national schoolmasters: hardly a wish in Ireland but has been included under ‘Home-
Rule. ^ If Ireland is to bo self-governing and self-taxing, with power over her Customs
and Fxcise, that is a dismemberment of the United Kingdom. To any such interpreta-
tion of Home-Rule no (jovernment in this country could for a moment consent.”
As for the Coercion Acts Mr. Butt has admitted
that the state of Ireland is at present exceptionally peaceful and quiet, owing mainly
to the Acts.in question. They do not interfere with law-abiding
citizens; but they do keep quiet those who would otherwise
be a terror to their fellow-subjects.”
Sound sense, Sir Michael, simply spoken.
And so is what followed in your rejoinder to Mr.
Butt. “ Local wants might with advantage be dealt with
by local tribunals—but not only in Ireland— in England
and Scotland as well. This is Home-Bule of Home
matters not for Ireland, hut for all parts of the Empire.”
But then it would rob Mr. Butt of his cry, and Mr.
Sullivan of the sale of his Nation.
Mr. Sullivan made a slashing maiden speech, with
a good deal of fire and fun, to prove that the Coercion
Acts are not wanted in Ireland—which Mr. Sullivan
does not for a moment believe—and wound up with a
peroration of Irish brilliancy, if of Irish blarney too.
“ He looked forward to a brighter and happier future, not
only for his own country, hut for England. They were tired
of hatred, and would be glad to have a spell of love. If the
Irish had hated, it was because the English in their place would
have hated too; if they had been angered, it was because the
English, under the same goad, would have been similarly roused.
They were there to fight with Constitutional weapons; to meet
friendliness with friendliness, not to be received with taunts,
or, if they were, they could bear them with the equanimity of
a party that felt they had the power in their hands.”
Delightful, if true, Mr. Sullivan !
The House divided, 315 against 50 for Mr. Butt’s
Amendment.
The first thing the Chancellor oe the Exchequer
had to do—and more power to him!—was to move for
a Bill, giving authority to the Secretary of State for
India to raise money here for relief of the famine yonder;
and on Friday Lord G. Hamilton, in the Commons,
brought in the Bill. Both the Marquis of Salisbury
and his Under-Secretary described the magnitude of the
calamity, the measures taken, defended Lord North-
brook’s non-interference with exports, admitted there
had been some delay in the organisation of transport,
but believed that all deficiencies were now being supplied,
and that not only the Governor-General, but every
Indian official, from highest to lowest, was bending
his utmost energies to the performance of his duty at
this terrible crisis.
The loan would he raised without an English guaran-
tee, and though it is hoped that only four millions and
a half will be needed for famine outlay, ten millions will
be raised so as to leave more than the widest margin
between hopes and fears. Boads and Irrigation Works
are the best securities against famine, and these will
be forwarded with the utmost energy.
As soon after the close of the financial year as possible
will come the Battle of the Budget!
There ought to be no lack of spirit in our Essence then.
Given five million surplus. Bequired, to keep the flies
from the sugar ! (See our Initial.)
The Boyal Commission on the laws relating to Em-
ployers and Employed, includes the weighty names of
the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Winmarleigh (trans-
lation into Peerish of Colonel Wilson Patten), Mr.
Bouverie (the candid friend), the Becorder of London,
Sir Montague Smith (of the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council,) Mr. Boebuck and Mr. Goldney (M.P.’s
for Sheffield and Chippenham), Mr. Macdonald,
M.P. for Stafford (Working-man’s Bepresentative), and
Mr. T. Hughes . (Working-man’s “parent, guide,
philosopher, and friend”). This is surely a Committee
of whose composition no reasonable man, working or
other, can complain, though Mr. G. Potter does denounce
Messrs. Macdonald and Hughes as “traitors to the
cause of the Working-man.” That is only “pretty
Potter’s way.”
Chief Justice Cockburn has written to inform the
House that he has committed one of its Members—Mr.
Whalley—for contempt. Mr. Whalley has already
committed himself so often to, if not for, contempt of
Court, Commons, and all sensible people, that it seems
almost superfluous to refer the case to a Select Com-
mittee. Mr. Whalley asked for a Committee of
Privileges, but as that includes, as the Speaker ex-
plained, all “knights of the shire, all gentlemen of the
long robe, and all the merchants in the House,” it
might have proved too large a body to deal even with the
privileges of as big an—well, let us say ‘ ‘ individual ”—
as Mr. Whalley.
[Mabch 28, 1874.
PUNCH, OB, THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
THE POLICE AND THE PUBLIC.
Magistrate. “ You say, Prisoner, you’ve a Complaint against the Con-
stable. What is it?”
Prisoner. “Please, Sir, he took me Unawares, Sir!”
claim of the minority ? As for confiscating the Land, how comes it that, since
the passing of the Irish Land Act, the market value of Irish estates has risen ?
And how came Conservatives to vote with Liberals on its Second Leading,
442 Ayes to 11 Noes ?
Lord B. Montagu wanted to know why, if the Colonies had their Parliaments,
Ireland should not have hers ? Sir Bobert has one qualification for an Irish
Member, he does not feel a non sequitur.
Probably he will pooh-pooh such answers as,—First, that Ireland is not a
! Colony; secondly, that the Colonies are not represented, as Ireland is, in the
! Imperial Parliament.
Captain Nolan, Galway County, Ilome-Buler, disclaims for his friends any
wish for separation. He thinks the Coercion Laws press hard on farmers, who
can’t carry fire-arms for the protection of their crops (but when it becomes a
question between rooks and landlords, Captain Nolan ?).
Mr. "W. Johnston (Belfast) protests against any further attempt to conciliate
a party which can never be conciliated with safety to the British Empire, and
honour to the British Crown. Home-Bule means Borne Buie. Though “ Na-
tional ” papers might exult over everything that injured England, even over
the prospect of disaster to British arms in Ashantee, forgetting that Sir Garnet
Wolseley was an Irishman, Ulster would always resist the dismemberment of
! the Empire.
Mr. Mitchell Henry was all for conciliating. Home-Bule does not mean
rebellion. It is rebellion’s remedy. _ Ireland is losing population; and if she is
increasing her bankers’ deposits, it is because she is afraid to use her money.
Sir M. Hicks Beach (Secretary for Ireland) rejoiced to find all Home-Bulers
agreed on one point, that Home-Bule does not mean separation from the Empire.
But what does it mean ? There’s the rub.
For the Priesthood Home-Rule means denominational education, supported by grants
of money; for the Farmers Home-Rule means the transference of property from their
landlords to themselves. Home-Rule means purchase of Irish Railways: higher salaries
of national schoolmasters: hardly a wish in Ireland but has been included under ‘Home-
Rule. ^ If Ireland is to bo self-governing and self-taxing, with power over her Customs
and Fxcise, that is a dismemberment of the United Kingdom. To any such interpreta-
tion of Home-Rule no (jovernment in this country could for a moment consent.”
As for the Coercion Acts Mr. Butt has admitted
that the state of Ireland is at present exceptionally peaceful and quiet, owing mainly
to the Acts.in question. They do not interfere with law-abiding
citizens; but they do keep quiet those who would otherwise
be a terror to their fellow-subjects.”
Sound sense, Sir Michael, simply spoken.
And so is what followed in your rejoinder to Mr.
Butt. “ Local wants might with advantage be dealt with
by local tribunals—but not only in Ireland— in England
and Scotland as well. This is Home-Bule of Home
matters not for Ireland, hut for all parts of the Empire.”
But then it would rob Mr. Butt of his cry, and Mr.
Sullivan of the sale of his Nation.
Mr. Sullivan made a slashing maiden speech, with
a good deal of fire and fun, to prove that the Coercion
Acts are not wanted in Ireland—which Mr. Sullivan
does not for a moment believe—and wound up with a
peroration of Irish brilliancy, if of Irish blarney too.
“ He looked forward to a brighter and happier future, not
only for his own country, hut for England. They were tired
of hatred, and would be glad to have a spell of love. If the
Irish had hated, it was because the English in their place would
have hated too; if they had been angered, it was because the
English, under the same goad, would have been similarly roused.
They were there to fight with Constitutional weapons; to meet
friendliness with friendliness, not to be received with taunts,
or, if they were, they could bear them with the equanimity of
a party that felt they had the power in their hands.”
Delightful, if true, Mr. Sullivan !
The House divided, 315 against 50 for Mr. Butt’s
Amendment.
The first thing the Chancellor oe the Exchequer
had to do—and more power to him!—was to move for
a Bill, giving authority to the Secretary of State for
India to raise money here for relief of the famine yonder;
and on Friday Lord G. Hamilton, in the Commons,
brought in the Bill. Both the Marquis of Salisbury
and his Under-Secretary described the magnitude of the
calamity, the measures taken, defended Lord North-
brook’s non-interference with exports, admitted there
had been some delay in the organisation of transport,
but believed that all deficiencies were now being supplied,
and that not only the Governor-General, but every
Indian official, from highest to lowest, was bending
his utmost energies to the performance of his duty at
this terrible crisis.
The loan would he raised without an English guaran-
tee, and though it is hoped that only four millions and
a half will be needed for famine outlay, ten millions will
be raised so as to leave more than the widest margin
between hopes and fears. Boads and Irrigation Works
are the best securities against famine, and these will
be forwarded with the utmost energy.
As soon after the close of the financial year as possible
will come the Battle of the Budget!
There ought to be no lack of spirit in our Essence then.
Given five million surplus. Bequired, to keep the flies
from the sugar ! (See our Initial.)
The Boyal Commission on the laws relating to Em-
ployers and Employed, includes the weighty names of
the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Winmarleigh (trans-
lation into Peerish of Colonel Wilson Patten), Mr.
Bouverie (the candid friend), the Becorder of London,
Sir Montague Smith (of the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council,) Mr. Boebuck and Mr. Goldney (M.P.’s
for Sheffield and Chippenham), Mr. Macdonald,
M.P. for Stafford (Working-man’s Bepresentative), and
Mr. T. Hughes . (Working-man’s “parent, guide,
philosopher, and friend”). This is surely a Committee
of whose composition no reasonable man, working or
other, can complain, though Mr. G. Potter does denounce
Messrs. Macdonald and Hughes as “traitors to the
cause of the Working-man.” That is only “pretty
Potter’s way.”
Chief Justice Cockburn has written to inform the
House that he has committed one of its Members—Mr.
Whalley—for contempt. Mr. Whalley has already
committed himself so often to, if not for, contempt of
Court, Commons, and all sensible people, that it seems
almost superfluous to refer the case to a Select Com-
mittee. Mr. Whalley asked for a Committee of
Privileges, but as that includes, as the Speaker ex-
plained, all “knights of the shire, all gentlemen of the
long robe, and all the merchants in the House,” it
might have proved too large a body to deal even with the
privileges of as big an—well, let us say ‘ ‘ individual ”—
as Mr. Whalley.