the number of representations in military attire rosę
signiflcantly, probably as a result of the growing cult
of those saints from the new military aristocracy of
Asia Minor. The basie elements of their eąuipment
remained the same.

Therefore, the question arises if mid-Byzantine
images of Warrior Saints show a real soldier of the
time, or maybe only reflect an old formula used
sińce antiquity. Some scholars analyzing represen-
tations from this period, turn attention towards
gilded breastplates (although we know from the
sources that they were used also on battlefield15) or
elaborately embroidered chlamyses and put forward
the hypothesis that iconography reflects the official
costume of court guards16. Therefore, to decide if
the image of Warrior Saints entirely corresponds
with the uniform of pałace guards or an official robę
worn in the Capital during court festivals, one should
confront it with the descriptions in such manuals as
the Book of Ceremonies or Strategicons.

^ Ą:

Leaving aside problems connected with weaponry
and armour, I would focus on one specific variety
of representation, which has not been recognized

15 loannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab loannine et Alexio Com-
nenis gestarum, ed. A. Meineke, Bonnae 1836, 109, v. 24—110v.
1 [88] under year 1150 mentions gilded armour of John Kan-
takuzenos, thanks to which he was recognized as a Byzantine
commander by Serbs, and A. Comnene, Alexiade (Regne
de 1’Empereur Alexis I Comnene 1081—1118), ed. & translation
B. Leib, Paris 1943, vol. 2, p. 213, v. 26—27 [X 7/31 says that
envoys of Hugon de Maine to John the dux of Dyrrachion wore
gold breasplates and graves.

16 See for example E. Kantorowie z, lvories and Litanies,
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942),
p. 56—81 (author analyzes mid-Byzantinie ivory triptychs
and points out specific place of saints in military garment
corresponding with the place of imperial guards surrounding
emperor at throne); and recently Parani, o.c., p. 113.

17 D. Mouriki, The Mosaics ofNea Mont on Chios, Athens
1985, vol. 1, p. 141-142; and after her Parani, o.c., p. 151—
152 and notę 252 treat costume of Saints Sergios and Bakchos
as typical for civilian services, and wonder why both brothers
were excluded from the group of Warrior Saints.

18 See A. Goldschmidt, K. Weitzmann, Die byzan-
tinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen des X.—XIII. Jahrhunderts, vol. 2
Reliefs, Berlin 1934 (reprint Berlin 1979), No. 31.

19 Borrowed from the Etrurian vestment clavi — having
form of golden or purple vertical strips in ancient Romę deco-
rated tunics of senators {clavi lati, hence: tunica laticlavia)
and emperors (clavi augusti, tunica augusticlavia) from where
was taken to the early Christian iconography of martyrs and
Christ, see H. Leclercq, Clavus [in:] Dictionnaire d'archeologie
chretienne et de liturgie, ed. F. Cabrol, H. Leclercą, H. I. Marrou,

till now as a military costume17. As stated above
the presence of the chlamys and breastplate as well
as limited items of weaponry in the iconography of
Warrior Saints indicates that, according to long-last-
ing tradition, their images were stylized towards that
of an ancient imperial pałace guard. However, one
can distinguish a group of representations, within
which it is possible to notice references to the uni-
form worn during court ceremonies. This garment
may be considered as contemporary with the artist.
On the leaves of an ivory triptych in the Palazzo
Venezia in Romę (10th century) we encounter a group
of Warrior Saints (both Theodores, George, Proco-
pios, Demetrios, Eustratios, Eustathios and Arethas)
wearing chlamyses (fig. 2). Two of them — Eustathios
and Theodore Stratelates shown in the upper row
have also long tunics with broad strips of fabric deco-
rated with jewelry running down from the shoulder
and another similar stretching from the bottom
edge of the robę to the knee18. Location of those
decorations as well as their specific shape: narrow
at the end and pointed with a broader, circular form
surrounding a cabochon in the middle — allow us to
recognize them as ancient clavi (chrysoklavia)19 and
then to identify a long tunic with a robę of imperial
officials calledjpekion. This kind of attire originated

Paris 1909, vol. 3/2, p. 1847—1850; N. P. Śevćenko, Clavus
[in:] The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P. Kazhdan,
Oxford 1991, vol. 1, p. 469—470; E. Hula, Clavus (2) [in:]
Rautys Real — Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft,
ed. A. von Pauly, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll, Stuttgart (Miin-
chen), vol. 4, p. 4—9; E. Pochmarski, Clavus [in:] Bild-
worterbuch der Kleidung und Riistung. Vom Alt en Orient bis zum
ausgehenden Mittelalter, ed. H. Kiihnel, Stuttgart 1992, p. 55;
P. Southern, K. Ramsey Dixon, The Late Roman Army,
London 1996, p. 122, fig. 57 (pavemerit in Piazza Armerina
on Sicily showing guardsmen with shield; 3rd—4th AD). Nu-
merous preserved examples of originated from Egypt early
Byzantine clavi (sometimes very close in its form to the vis-
ible in Romę triptych) and tunics decorated in such manner
are stored i. e. in the Hermitage, Victoria & Albert Museum
and Metropolitan Museum in New York (especially found in
Achemin, ca. 400—500, tunic with scenes with Dionysius, No.
26.9.8. and many others), see e. g. L. G. Turell Coli, Eos
tejidos coptos del Museo de Monserrat. Presentación de la colección,
Antiąuite tardive 12 (2004), fig. 1.

loannis Malalae Chronographia, ed. I. Thurn, Berolini
2000, p. 384, v. 5 [XVIII 56], mentions clavia in his description
of the vestment of king of India. Golden clavi (xpuaói<Aa(3a,
Ta ypuod aupói<Aa(3a or aupÓKAajBa) as ornament of imperial
skaramangion mentions Constantin VII Porphyroge-
nete, Le livre des Ceremonies, ed. A. Vogt, Paris 1938—1939,
vol. 1, p. 92, V. 15-16 [I 26], 101, V. 19 [I 27], 132, v. 13-14
[I 31], 155, v. 16-17 [I 39], 172, v. 9-10 [I 44], and also di-
yitision in: Constantini Porphyrogeniti Imperatoris De Cerimoniis
Aulae Byzantinae libri duo, ed. I. Reiskii, Bonnae 1829, vol. 1,

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