372
A long lasting transformation: northern Late Mesolithic/Early Neolithic multi-dimensional developments
becomes visible not only in changes of ceramic de-
sign, but also in the adoption of pastoral practices
and the integration of intensive cultivation of arable
plots in the environment (cf. Kirleis 2019a; 2019b).
The attempt made here to arrange the ceramic inven-
tories typochronologically is only one means to be
able to describe the corresponding social processes
- which is much more important.
Environmental, economic and ritual
changes
The described typo-chronological differentiation of
the ceramic inventories of the Late Mesolithic and
Early Neolithic concerns the changes in the use of ce-
ramics. However, it should also serve to make a com-
parison with other socio-economic or ritual spheres
of the societies of that time. In this respect, we would
like to reiterate the following: While pointed-bot-
tomed ceramic vessels and lamps hardly changed in
terms of typology, but rather in their relative quanti-
ties, a development began around 4,200 BCE at the
latest, in which new, flat-bottomed ceramic forms
appeared. These later become the main component
of the funnel beaker inventories.
Chronologically, this is contemporaneous to
various events in the rest of north central Europe.
Thus, in the loess settlement zones, which were oc-
cupied by farming communities since around 5,300
BCE, enclosures were constructed from about 4,200
BCE onwards, e.g. by the central German Schiepzig
group, which represents a typological link between
Michelsberg II/III and Late Lengyel. The use of
funnel-shaped storage pits in connection with ditch
systems indicates a new practice, probably also a
new economic order, which differs strongly from the
previous one (Muller et al. 2019).
Typologically, we recognise not only the devel-
opmental series of tulip beakers in this Michelsberg
area, but finally, from about 4,100 BCE onwards, the
use of flat-bottomed funnel beakers (Hohn 2002,
180 fig. 69; 212 fig. 164). Thus, the changes towards
flat-bottomed ceramics in parts of the inventories,
which can be traced back in their entirety to cor-
responding contacts between western Michelsberg
and eastern flat-bottomed ceramic traditions, are
based on processes that cover not only the Cimbrian
peninsula, but also large parts of central Europe.
In a model way, this can be attributed to increased
interactions between the Early Michelberg and Late
Lengyel groups.
The new developments that changed the social
situation in the loess regions in the last three centu-
ries of the 5th millennium BCE are similarly incisive
as, for example, the end of the Linear Bandkeramik
(LBK) around 4,900 BCE. While the latter took place
more or less contemporaneously to the earliest pot-
tery use in Ertebolle, the former was also synchro-
nous to the introduction of flat-bottomed vessels in
the north, i. e. the first evidence of funnel beakers.
Corresponding changes or additions to ceramic
design are obviously already linked to changes in
economic preferences. For example, the food spec-
trum is already supplemented by domestic cattle in
Neustadt lb (4,500-4,200 BCE) and sheep/goat in
Neustadt 2 (4,200-4,100 BCE). If increasingly more
local evidence is taken into consideration, the vari-
ability of practices stands out. While, for example,
clearances and open land are already documented
for the Horstenmoor in west Holstein (Dorfler
2005; Feeser/Dorfler 2016) around 4,500-4,200
BCE, high plantago lanceolata values in the pollen
profile of Saiser, Fundplatz 1 (Lietzow-Budelin) on
the island of Riigen, around 4,300/4,200 BCE are
associated with the grazing of domesticated animals
(Terberger/Seiler 2004, 178; Endtmann 2004).
Interestingly, the described developments take
place before 4,050 BCE, i. e., a noticeable climate
event was prevalent at least in the western Baltic
region. Based on high-resolution sedimentological
evidence from laminated lake profiles (Dreibrodt
et al. 2012; Zahrer et al. 2013), very cool and wet
conditions can be postulated for about 40 years,
which led to a considerable deterioration of living
conditions (both for foraging and farming). At the
latest during this period, interaction networks with
the south (i. e. with Michelsberg) are ‘opened’. Hor-
ticultural elements, such as the application of local
slash-and-burn practices (‘Brandfeldbau’) commence
(Schier 2009). Both the increased micro-charcoal
records in pollen profiles (4,050-3,750 BCE) with
only few signs of clearances (Feeser / Dorfler 2015;
Feeser et al. 2012), and the boom in pointed-butted
flint adzes point to changes in subsistence economy.
They are associated with an increased population
growth from about 4,000 BCE onwards, which may
be connected to the introduction of the new horti-
cultural techniques (Feeser et al. 2019, 1602 fig. 6).
Within this period of intensive changes (c.
4,300-3,800 BCE), individual ritual marking in the
groups obviously decreases. The number of individu-
al burials is reduced accordingly. After final changes
- both in economic and ideological respect - begin to
A long lasting transformation: northern Late Mesolithic/Early Neolithic multi-dimensional developments
becomes visible not only in changes of ceramic de-
sign, but also in the adoption of pastoral practices
and the integration of intensive cultivation of arable
plots in the environment (cf. Kirleis 2019a; 2019b).
The attempt made here to arrange the ceramic inven-
tories typochronologically is only one means to be
able to describe the corresponding social processes
- which is much more important.
Environmental, economic and ritual
changes
The described typo-chronological differentiation of
the ceramic inventories of the Late Mesolithic and
Early Neolithic concerns the changes in the use of ce-
ramics. However, it should also serve to make a com-
parison with other socio-economic or ritual spheres
of the societies of that time. In this respect, we would
like to reiterate the following: While pointed-bot-
tomed ceramic vessels and lamps hardly changed in
terms of typology, but rather in their relative quanti-
ties, a development began around 4,200 BCE at the
latest, in which new, flat-bottomed ceramic forms
appeared. These later become the main component
of the funnel beaker inventories.
Chronologically, this is contemporaneous to
various events in the rest of north central Europe.
Thus, in the loess settlement zones, which were oc-
cupied by farming communities since around 5,300
BCE, enclosures were constructed from about 4,200
BCE onwards, e.g. by the central German Schiepzig
group, which represents a typological link between
Michelsberg II/III and Late Lengyel. The use of
funnel-shaped storage pits in connection with ditch
systems indicates a new practice, probably also a
new economic order, which differs strongly from the
previous one (Muller et al. 2019).
Typologically, we recognise not only the devel-
opmental series of tulip beakers in this Michelsberg
area, but finally, from about 4,100 BCE onwards, the
use of flat-bottomed funnel beakers (Hohn 2002,
180 fig. 69; 212 fig. 164). Thus, the changes towards
flat-bottomed ceramics in parts of the inventories,
which can be traced back in their entirety to cor-
responding contacts between western Michelsberg
and eastern flat-bottomed ceramic traditions, are
based on processes that cover not only the Cimbrian
peninsula, but also large parts of central Europe.
In a model way, this can be attributed to increased
interactions between the Early Michelberg and Late
Lengyel groups.
The new developments that changed the social
situation in the loess regions in the last three centu-
ries of the 5th millennium BCE are similarly incisive
as, for example, the end of the Linear Bandkeramik
(LBK) around 4,900 BCE. While the latter took place
more or less contemporaneously to the earliest pot-
tery use in Ertebolle, the former was also synchro-
nous to the introduction of flat-bottomed vessels in
the north, i. e. the first evidence of funnel beakers.
Corresponding changes or additions to ceramic
design are obviously already linked to changes in
economic preferences. For example, the food spec-
trum is already supplemented by domestic cattle in
Neustadt lb (4,500-4,200 BCE) and sheep/goat in
Neustadt 2 (4,200-4,100 BCE). If increasingly more
local evidence is taken into consideration, the vari-
ability of practices stands out. While, for example,
clearances and open land are already documented
for the Horstenmoor in west Holstein (Dorfler
2005; Feeser/Dorfler 2016) around 4,500-4,200
BCE, high plantago lanceolata values in the pollen
profile of Saiser, Fundplatz 1 (Lietzow-Budelin) on
the island of Riigen, around 4,300/4,200 BCE are
associated with the grazing of domesticated animals
(Terberger/Seiler 2004, 178; Endtmann 2004).
Interestingly, the described developments take
place before 4,050 BCE, i. e., a noticeable climate
event was prevalent at least in the western Baltic
region. Based on high-resolution sedimentological
evidence from laminated lake profiles (Dreibrodt
et al. 2012; Zahrer et al. 2013), very cool and wet
conditions can be postulated for about 40 years,
which led to a considerable deterioration of living
conditions (both for foraging and farming). At the
latest during this period, interaction networks with
the south (i. e. with Michelsberg) are ‘opened’. Hor-
ticultural elements, such as the application of local
slash-and-burn practices (‘Brandfeldbau’) commence
(Schier 2009). Both the increased micro-charcoal
records in pollen profiles (4,050-3,750 BCE) with
only few signs of clearances (Feeser / Dorfler 2015;
Feeser et al. 2012), and the boom in pointed-butted
flint adzes point to changes in subsistence economy.
They are associated with an increased population
growth from about 4,000 BCE onwards, which may
be connected to the introduction of the new horti-
cultural techniques (Feeser et al. 2019, 1602 fig. 6).
Within this period of intensive changes (c.
4,300-3,800 BCE), individual ritual marking in the
groups obviously decreases. The number of individu-
al burials is reduced accordingly. After final changes
- both in economic and ideological respect - begin to