DOI Kapitel:
Changing Worlds – The Spread of the Neolithic Way of Life in the North
DOI Kapitel:Kirleis, Wibke: Subsistence change? Diversification of plant economy during the Neolithic in northern Germany
DOI Seite / Zitierlink:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.66745#0450
Wiebke Kirleis
449
A modular system of subsistence management
after 4,000 caIBCE - an archaeobotanical
perspective
The neolithisation (in an economic sense) in north-
ern Germany is seen as a process of adaptation that
lasted for several generations; it is considered a slow
and gradual sequence of changes towards agrarian
subsistence. The introduction of domestic animals
and crop cultivation took place between 4,000-3,700
caIBCE. However, culinary practices that originated
in pre-agricultural societies continued (Hinz 2018;
Kirleis 2019b). This accounts for wild plants and
wild terrestrial animals and is further indicated in the
stable isotope records from samples of human remains
(13C/15N) from northern central Europe, showing the
importance of aquatic food ressources far into the 4th
millennium caIBCE (Terberger etal. 2018). With
respect to wild plant consumption, both individual
and cultural preferences will have played a role. More-
over, edible wild plants provide nutrients, vitamins
and minerals in high concentrations. Wild plant use
implies subsistence diversification as a strategy for
risk-management (Jacomet / Schibler 2010, 116).
For the Neolithic in northern Germany, a modular
system of subsistence management is suggested, where
multiple plant use practices co-exist to variable extent.
Farming and plant gathering are identified as the main
activities. The gathering of plants can even be incor-
porated into farming activities, e. g. as a family task,
when fruits are gathered as ‘by-products’ on the way
to remote arable fields.
Conclusion
Plant economy is discussed for the northern Ger-
man Neolithic, with emphasis on the period from
4,000-1,700 caIBCE. Based on data from the plant
assemblages from 21 sites, three main topics occur
that characterise the plant-based subsistence economy:
In a diachronic perspective, a diversification can
be observed in multiple aspects of plant economy.
The transition towards sedentary ways of life goes
along with a widening of subsistence strategies. With
respect to plant economy, plant gathering was supple-
mented by crop cultivation carried using a multitude
of different strategies. Plant economy as such was
organised alongside different modules, including
plant gathering, (labour) intensive and extensive
crop cultivation, with adaptation to specific environ-
mental constraints and specific needs of individual
plant species. Each module had a variable relevance
throughout time and space and was influenced by
technological and cultural innovations. Furthermore,
when looking into the crop spectrum, Funnel Beaker
groups, and possibly also Single Grave groups, had
a narrow set of cultivars, building upon two main
staples, barley and emmer. Only in the Late Neolithic
the crop spectrum widened, and emmer, barley, spelt,
and free-threshing wheat comprised the cereals that
served as main plant staples then.
While a diversification in the crop spectrum
from the Early towards the Late Neolithic can be
observed for the northern German Neolithic, an
opposed trend is visible for southern Scandinavia.
Thus, the Funnel Beaker plant economy shows clear
regional differentiation.
The neolithisation from an economic perspec-
tive can be described as a ‘growing together’ of multi-
ple arrays of food supply strategies. There is no strict
division into either a Mesolithic or a Neolithic way
of life observable in the diet after 4,000 caIBCE. In-
stead, Neolithic subsistence economy was organised
as a modular system, combining multiple methods of
food acquisition, the relevance of each component
underlying a non-linear fluctuation. The contribution
of wild resources depended on availability in specific
ecological niches, and on cultural preferences.
Acknowledgements
The German Research Foundation (DFG) suppor-
ted the archaeobotanical investigations in the
frame of SPP1400 and SFB1266 (project number
2901391021 - SFB 1266). I am particularly grateful
to Johannes Muller and his vivid group of archaeo-
logists, and the many colleagues of SFB 1266, for
providing an inspiring and stimulating research
environment. Helmut Kroll, Stefanie KlooB, Drag-
ana Filipovic, and Tanja Reiser deserve the utmost
thanks for multiple discussions on the identifica-
tion of charred plant remains and Neolithic plant
economy, for support in filling our database with a
growing amount of data from numerous sites, and for
systematic data archiving. Roisin O’Droma kindly
took over the English proof reading.
449
A modular system of subsistence management
after 4,000 caIBCE - an archaeobotanical
perspective
The neolithisation (in an economic sense) in north-
ern Germany is seen as a process of adaptation that
lasted for several generations; it is considered a slow
and gradual sequence of changes towards agrarian
subsistence. The introduction of domestic animals
and crop cultivation took place between 4,000-3,700
caIBCE. However, culinary practices that originated
in pre-agricultural societies continued (Hinz 2018;
Kirleis 2019b). This accounts for wild plants and
wild terrestrial animals and is further indicated in the
stable isotope records from samples of human remains
(13C/15N) from northern central Europe, showing the
importance of aquatic food ressources far into the 4th
millennium caIBCE (Terberger etal. 2018). With
respect to wild plant consumption, both individual
and cultural preferences will have played a role. More-
over, edible wild plants provide nutrients, vitamins
and minerals in high concentrations. Wild plant use
implies subsistence diversification as a strategy for
risk-management (Jacomet / Schibler 2010, 116).
For the Neolithic in northern Germany, a modular
system of subsistence management is suggested, where
multiple plant use practices co-exist to variable extent.
Farming and plant gathering are identified as the main
activities. The gathering of plants can even be incor-
porated into farming activities, e. g. as a family task,
when fruits are gathered as ‘by-products’ on the way
to remote arable fields.
Conclusion
Plant economy is discussed for the northern Ger-
man Neolithic, with emphasis on the period from
4,000-1,700 caIBCE. Based on data from the plant
assemblages from 21 sites, three main topics occur
that characterise the plant-based subsistence economy:
In a diachronic perspective, a diversification can
be observed in multiple aspects of plant economy.
The transition towards sedentary ways of life goes
along with a widening of subsistence strategies. With
respect to plant economy, plant gathering was supple-
mented by crop cultivation carried using a multitude
of different strategies. Plant economy as such was
organised alongside different modules, including
plant gathering, (labour) intensive and extensive
crop cultivation, with adaptation to specific environ-
mental constraints and specific needs of individual
plant species. Each module had a variable relevance
throughout time and space and was influenced by
technological and cultural innovations. Furthermore,
when looking into the crop spectrum, Funnel Beaker
groups, and possibly also Single Grave groups, had
a narrow set of cultivars, building upon two main
staples, barley and emmer. Only in the Late Neolithic
the crop spectrum widened, and emmer, barley, spelt,
and free-threshing wheat comprised the cereals that
served as main plant staples then.
While a diversification in the crop spectrum
from the Early towards the Late Neolithic can be
observed for the northern German Neolithic, an
opposed trend is visible for southern Scandinavia.
Thus, the Funnel Beaker plant economy shows clear
regional differentiation.
The neolithisation from an economic perspec-
tive can be described as a ‘growing together’ of multi-
ple arrays of food supply strategies. There is no strict
division into either a Mesolithic or a Neolithic way
of life observable in the diet after 4,000 caIBCE. In-
stead, Neolithic subsistence economy was organised
as a modular system, combining multiple methods of
food acquisition, the relevance of each component
underlying a non-linear fluctuation. The contribution
of wild resources depended on availability in specific
ecological niches, and on cultural preferences.
Acknowledgements
The German Research Foundation (DFG) suppor-
ted the archaeobotanical investigations in the
frame of SPP1400 and SFB1266 (project number
2901391021 - SFB 1266). I am particularly grateful
to Johannes Muller and his vivid group of archaeo-
logists, and the many colleagues of SFB 1266, for
providing an inspiring and stimulating research
environment. Helmut Kroll, Stefanie KlooB, Drag-
ana Filipovic, and Tanja Reiser deserve the utmost
thanks for multiple discussions on the identifica-
tion of charred plant remains and Neolithic plant
economy, for support in filling our database with a
growing amount of data from numerous sites, and for
systematic data archiving. Roisin O’Droma kindly
took over the English proof reading.