DOI Heft:
July 27, 1867
DOI Seite / Zitierlink:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16880#0044
32
[July 27, 1867.
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
]
A FACT.
(Strand—Afternoon of July 12.)
A few of our Belgian Guests returning from the Guildhall Dejeuner.
THE WANT OF THE WISE.
Would I could eat aud drink at table
As much as ever I was able;
Including the last bit and drop
That would be good for me ; then stop,
Informed, by some immediate warning,
That more would make me ill next morning.
A twinge, for instance, in the wrist,
Then I directly should desist.
And never more wake late in bed
Afflicted with an aching head;
Nausea, and loss of appetite,
From overmuch, had overnight.
Attacks of bile, too, I should ’scape,
And all those ills, of every shape,
Which do derive, beyond all question,
Their origin from indigestion.
Abdul As-is in England.
According to Turkish belief any soil on which the
Padishah sets his foot becomes Turkish territory, just
as, in Highland notions, wherever the laird sat became
the head of the table. This Ottoman view has evidently
been endorsed by the Clerk of the Weather. He has
given evidence that he considers Abdul Aziz the rain-
ing Sultan, ever since the Commander of the Faithful
has been in England.
A NARROW ESCAPE.
We are told that at the close of Disraeli’s speech
on the third reading of the Reform Bill, “ Some of the
strangers present, carried away by the enthusiasm of
the moment, shared in the applause by clapping their
hands.” They may consider 1 hemselves lucky that they
were not carried away by the Sergeant-at-Arms.
j
PUNCH’S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
Unquestionably, Monday, July 15, 1867, will be a Date in Anglo.
Parliamentary history. For to-day the House of Commons passed the
Reform Bill.
The concluding debate, if so it may be called, was certainly unworthy
of the occasion. Its main element was Incrimination.
Lord Cranborne said that all the precautions, guarantees, and
securities with which the Bill had originally bristled, had been swept
away at the imperious bidding of Mr. Gladstone. This was in no
sense a Conservative Bill. No Government before had ever permitted
one of its measures to be so mutilated. We were taking a leap in the
dark. We knew nothing about the class we were placing on the
throne of these realms, except that we knew something of the Trades’
Unions, and their ways. When the assault shall be made against wealth
and property, it will be no protection to have men in the House who
possess wealth and property. There will be a million of working-men
against half-a-milhon of another class. The Conservative party had been
deceived, and Mr. Disraeli had covered his scheme with an impene-
trable veil, or he would never have been allowed to accomplish his
object. If we borrowed our political ethics from an adventurer, our
representative institutions would crumble. He regretted that the
House applauded a policy of Legerdemain.
Mr. Lowe thought that there was nothing to applaud. We were
closing an era of permanence, stability, and mutuad confidence, and
were going into a whirl of innovation and revolution. There could be
no further resistance to Democracy. All good principles would now
have to be abandoned. But we should have to alter the constitution
of the House of Lords, and make it elective, for we could not trust
the country to a single chamber chosen by those who were just above
the status of paupers. He had not been for compulsory education, but
now he was. We must teach the Constituency. We must get our
new lords to condescend to learn their letters. He finished with an
impassioned declaration that every cultivated Englishman viewed this
measure with shame, scorn, indignation, despair.
Mr. Bright did little more than explain that he had never been
averse from Household Suffrage. He believed that the people, who
had been trusted with power at a time when it, perhaps, might have
been withheld, would return as good a House as the present.
Lord Elcho accepted the measure as, on the whole, the best settle-
ment of a question which could not be avoided.
Mr. Bernal Osborne said that the voice was Lord Derby’s, but
the hands were those of John Bright. He complimented Mr.
Disraeli on the way he had managed the Conservatives. He felt no
gratitude, and he expected no violent changes.
Mr. Newdegate had confidence in his countrymen, and hoped the
Bill would work well.
Mr. Laing saw safety in the rating principle.
Mr. Disraeli was more anxious to vindicate the measure than to
defend the Government, but he addressed himself to both objects.
Everybody hitherto had failed in carrying a Reform Bill. He disap-
proved of enfranchising a small and favoured section of the artisans, to
act as a kind of Praetorian Guard. The Bill was in harmony with the
general principles which the Conservatives had always professed. He
ridiculed Mr. Lowe’s predictions, and advised him to be the school-
master abroad, as he was highly competent to instruct constituencies.
He finished with the following blaze of glory :—
“ I do not think myself that the country is in danger; I think England is safe
in the race of men who inhabit her—that she is safe in something much more pre-
cious than her accumulated capital—her accumulated experience. She is safe in
her national character, and her fame, in the traditions of a thousand years, and in
that glorious future which I believe awaits her."
Then the Reform Bill passed, amid cheers which proceeded chiefly
from the Opposition side. On the 25th March, when the Second Read-
ing was moved, Mr. Gladstone said, “ We must make the best of the
measure before us, but the prospect is very disequraging.” It may be
assumed tha. he is tolerably satisfied, but he did not take part in the
concluding debate.
The new Dog Tax seems to be working well, for an addition of
300,000 licences have been taken out. Street Dogs are to be “ regu-
lated ” but at present Government has no time to legislate against
these nuisances. How much time is wanted to frame an Act, providing
that every dog found in the street, who has no collar with an owner’s
address, shall be sent as mercifully as possible to the happy hunting
grounds, Mr. Punch does not know.
Tuesday. Earl Gbey gave notice to the Lords of his intention to
reform the Reform Bill.
The Marquis of Westmeath, the Whalley of the Lords, amused
them by a denunciation of “ the detestable and infernal system by which
he and other noble Lords were mis-'reported, at the bidding of those
ultra-montane persons under whose direction Jesuitical action was
carried on in the Reporters’ Gallery.” He demanded that official re-
porters should be engaged. One would not be cruel to an old man,
even when he is such a donkey as Lord Westmeath, and if the short-
hand writers would, just for once, take down one of his orations
verbatim, he might be induced to imitate Ahithophel, for which we
should be excessively sorry.
Sir Stafford Northcote (Lord of India) explained that the
splendid bail to be given at the India Office to the Sultan was entirely
separate from the Royal entertainments, and was a tribute from the
[July 27, 1867.
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
]
A FACT.
(Strand—Afternoon of July 12.)
A few of our Belgian Guests returning from the Guildhall Dejeuner.
THE WANT OF THE WISE.
Would I could eat aud drink at table
As much as ever I was able;
Including the last bit and drop
That would be good for me ; then stop,
Informed, by some immediate warning,
That more would make me ill next morning.
A twinge, for instance, in the wrist,
Then I directly should desist.
And never more wake late in bed
Afflicted with an aching head;
Nausea, and loss of appetite,
From overmuch, had overnight.
Attacks of bile, too, I should ’scape,
And all those ills, of every shape,
Which do derive, beyond all question,
Their origin from indigestion.
Abdul As-is in England.
According to Turkish belief any soil on which the
Padishah sets his foot becomes Turkish territory, just
as, in Highland notions, wherever the laird sat became
the head of the table. This Ottoman view has evidently
been endorsed by the Clerk of the Weather. He has
given evidence that he considers Abdul Aziz the rain-
ing Sultan, ever since the Commander of the Faithful
has been in England.
A NARROW ESCAPE.
We are told that at the close of Disraeli’s speech
on the third reading of the Reform Bill, “ Some of the
strangers present, carried away by the enthusiasm of
the moment, shared in the applause by clapping their
hands.” They may consider 1 hemselves lucky that they
were not carried away by the Sergeant-at-Arms.
j
PUNCH’S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
Unquestionably, Monday, July 15, 1867, will be a Date in Anglo.
Parliamentary history. For to-day the House of Commons passed the
Reform Bill.
The concluding debate, if so it may be called, was certainly unworthy
of the occasion. Its main element was Incrimination.
Lord Cranborne said that all the precautions, guarantees, and
securities with which the Bill had originally bristled, had been swept
away at the imperious bidding of Mr. Gladstone. This was in no
sense a Conservative Bill. No Government before had ever permitted
one of its measures to be so mutilated. We were taking a leap in the
dark. We knew nothing about the class we were placing on the
throne of these realms, except that we knew something of the Trades’
Unions, and their ways. When the assault shall be made against wealth
and property, it will be no protection to have men in the House who
possess wealth and property. There will be a million of working-men
against half-a-milhon of another class. The Conservative party had been
deceived, and Mr. Disraeli had covered his scheme with an impene-
trable veil, or he would never have been allowed to accomplish his
object. If we borrowed our political ethics from an adventurer, our
representative institutions would crumble. He regretted that the
House applauded a policy of Legerdemain.
Mr. Lowe thought that there was nothing to applaud. We were
closing an era of permanence, stability, and mutuad confidence, and
were going into a whirl of innovation and revolution. There could be
no further resistance to Democracy. All good principles would now
have to be abandoned. But we should have to alter the constitution
of the House of Lords, and make it elective, for we could not trust
the country to a single chamber chosen by those who were just above
the status of paupers. He had not been for compulsory education, but
now he was. We must teach the Constituency. We must get our
new lords to condescend to learn their letters. He finished with an
impassioned declaration that every cultivated Englishman viewed this
measure with shame, scorn, indignation, despair.
Mr. Bright did little more than explain that he had never been
averse from Household Suffrage. He believed that the people, who
had been trusted with power at a time when it, perhaps, might have
been withheld, would return as good a House as the present.
Lord Elcho accepted the measure as, on the whole, the best settle-
ment of a question which could not be avoided.
Mr. Bernal Osborne said that the voice was Lord Derby’s, but
the hands were those of John Bright. He complimented Mr.
Disraeli on the way he had managed the Conservatives. He felt no
gratitude, and he expected no violent changes.
Mr. Newdegate had confidence in his countrymen, and hoped the
Bill would work well.
Mr. Laing saw safety in the rating principle.
Mr. Disraeli was more anxious to vindicate the measure than to
defend the Government, but he addressed himself to both objects.
Everybody hitherto had failed in carrying a Reform Bill. He disap-
proved of enfranchising a small and favoured section of the artisans, to
act as a kind of Praetorian Guard. The Bill was in harmony with the
general principles which the Conservatives had always professed. He
ridiculed Mr. Lowe’s predictions, and advised him to be the school-
master abroad, as he was highly competent to instruct constituencies.
He finished with the following blaze of glory :—
“ I do not think myself that the country is in danger; I think England is safe
in the race of men who inhabit her—that she is safe in something much more pre-
cious than her accumulated capital—her accumulated experience. She is safe in
her national character, and her fame, in the traditions of a thousand years, and in
that glorious future which I believe awaits her."
Then the Reform Bill passed, amid cheers which proceeded chiefly
from the Opposition side. On the 25th March, when the Second Read-
ing was moved, Mr. Gladstone said, “ We must make the best of the
measure before us, but the prospect is very disequraging.” It may be
assumed tha. he is tolerably satisfied, but he did not take part in the
concluding debate.
The new Dog Tax seems to be working well, for an addition of
300,000 licences have been taken out. Street Dogs are to be “ regu-
lated ” but at present Government has no time to legislate against
these nuisances. How much time is wanted to frame an Act, providing
that every dog found in the street, who has no collar with an owner’s
address, shall be sent as mercifully as possible to the happy hunting
grounds, Mr. Punch does not know.
Tuesday. Earl Gbey gave notice to the Lords of his intention to
reform the Reform Bill.
The Marquis of Westmeath, the Whalley of the Lords, amused
them by a denunciation of “ the detestable and infernal system by which
he and other noble Lords were mis-'reported, at the bidding of those
ultra-montane persons under whose direction Jesuitical action was
carried on in the Reporters’ Gallery.” He demanded that official re-
porters should be engaged. One would not be cruel to an old man,
even when he is such a donkey as Lord Westmeath, and if the short-
hand writers would, just for once, take down one of his orations
verbatim, he might be induced to imitate Ahithophel, for which we
should be excessively sorry.
Sir Stafford Northcote (Lord of India) explained that the
splendid bail to be given at the India Office to the Sultan was entirely
separate from the Royal entertainments, and was a tribute from the