DOI Artikel:
Albright, William Foxwell: The principles of Egyptian phonological development
DOI Seite / Zitierlink:https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.12747#0077
[U] THE PRINC1PLES OF EGYPTIAN PHONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT. 67
gave up consonantal doubling at a very early date, like English; Goptic compensatory
doubling is very late and secondary.
The seventh law demands fuller treatment, in the course of \vhich some of the
évidence for the others may be mention éd. I wiil not, however, attempt to give more
than a very small part of my material, which will be discussed in full in another
paper. The change â^>ô is illustrated by anok <rl», also an example of 2 and 3
(with ' the sewâ nsually lias an a colouring), and by cnoToy ttlips (two)n, the
original forms of which were anâku^>*ânâk and *sïpâtai^>*êpâtwey (s>s by partial
assimilation to the p, the l treated as a stem consonant, as in Heb. qest «bowi?, and
delt ctdooriî), where the maseulinization of the Avord brought with it the masculine
dual ending. The change à^>6 is illustrated by the corresponding féminine forms;
note also noytm (for *ncdtm) from *nàgem ^ndm)^'1:nâgem<Znâ'im (for partial
assimilation of c to nasal, cf. AJSL, d>k, 92, n. 4); ccdujg «field:?, from *éâhet
<Z.*éahhet (Assyr. sahhu; cf. Ar. sahwaii); ujmoyn cceight», for *ljemàneiv <c*semâney
(cf. AJSL, 3/j, 92) <zdamàniy; 6<i>M<C*kâme<C*kâ'mew<z.karm(i\ The change
of â to ê, aîluded to under 6, is exemplified by |>hc «soutlrn, for *rééey <d*râéey
<i*râ'êey(l\ literally, ttwhat belongs to the head-waters (of the Nile)^. A number of
similar forms are to be explained in this way : oyhhb ctpriestu, for *waebew, *waib
•flustrator-o (like Assyr. ramku; wcb = Ar. ivb, belonging with 'bb = Assyr. ebêbu
ttshine, be brightr); ivvo ccofïicer, constablen, Amarna wê'ew (wia) for *waiyevo (cf.
Ar. wain crguardian»); R'w<c*Rê'ew, for *raiyeiv wshepherdu (Assyr. rê'û, Ar.
rahi).
While the change of a to 0 has been fairly well understood, the change from i to
a has not. It is well-known that in Coptic î in an open syllable is morphologically
équivalent to a in a closed : e. g., micg, mactV, cyipc wboy», and qjxipe tfgirl«,
for *sarye[t) (2l The direction of the shift has, however, remained uncertain. Among
the numerous examples may be noted : wc longue», from *lié (Assyr. iis-ânu, Ar.
lis-àn, Berber Us — note that in mod. Ar. a prolhetic vowel is usually the same as
the short vowel for which it is substituted); cat crtailn, from *éid (Heb. *sit, Ar. ist,
Assyr. isdu, the t is partial assimilation of original d to the voiceless s); rwr rrlegn,
from *p'âd<c.*peîd<z*purîd (Assyr. puvîdu); ib (Amarna) rrheart», for *yib<clibb
(Sem. libb; note the fact that t has not yet become â); oynam ffright» <Z*ewnîm
<Z*eymîn (Sem. yamîn)® while 6mntg rrSheol», stands for *Eymaniey (Steindorff,
(1) The quiescing of the alef in tlie precerling a in thèse vvords is probably prehisloric, at ail events very
ancient, as we do not find this phenomenon, so régulai- in Semilic, at a later date.
(2) Sayre for *sarye is probably epenthesis rather than metathesis : *sarye> *sayrye> sayre, by dissi-
mulation.
(') Note the transposition of m and n, common both in Egyptian and in the other Semitic languages. The
change of y to w after a vowel is common in Egyptian, and is paralleled in Semitic by the change of initial
w to y.
9-
gave up consonantal doubling at a very early date, like English; Goptic compensatory
doubling is very late and secondary.
The seventh law demands fuller treatment, in the course of \vhich some of the
évidence for the others may be mention éd. I wiil not, however, attempt to give more
than a very small part of my material, which will be discussed in full in another
paper. The change â^>ô is illustrated by anok <rl», also an example of 2 and 3
(with ' the sewâ nsually lias an a colouring), and by cnoToy ttlips (two)n, the
original forms of which were anâku^>*ânâk and *sïpâtai^>*êpâtwey (s>s by partial
assimilation to the p, the l treated as a stem consonant, as in Heb. qest «bowi?, and
delt ctdooriî), where the maseulinization of the Avord brought with it the masculine
dual ending. The change à^>6 is illustrated by the corresponding féminine forms;
note also noytm (for *ncdtm) from *nàgem ^ndm)^'1:nâgem<Znâ'im (for partial
assimilation of c to nasal, cf. AJSL, d>k, 92, n. 4); ccdujg «field:?, from *éâhet
<Z.*éahhet (Assyr. sahhu; cf. Ar. sahwaii); ujmoyn cceight», for *ljemàneiv <c*semâney
(cf. AJSL, 3/j, 92) <zdamàniy; 6<i>M<C*kâme<C*kâ'mew<z.karm(i\ The change
of â to ê, aîluded to under 6, is exemplified by |>hc «soutlrn, for *rééey <d*râéey
<i*râ'êey(l\ literally, ttwhat belongs to the head-waters (of the Nile)^. A number of
similar forms are to be explained in this way : oyhhb ctpriestu, for *waebew, *waib
•flustrator-o (like Assyr. ramku; wcb = Ar. ivb, belonging with 'bb = Assyr. ebêbu
ttshine, be brightr); ivvo ccofïicer, constablen, Amarna wê'ew (wia) for *waiyevo (cf.
Ar. wain crguardian»); R'w<c*Rê'ew, for *raiyeiv wshepherdu (Assyr. rê'û, Ar.
rahi).
While the change of a to 0 has been fairly well understood, the change from i to
a has not. It is well-known that in Coptic î in an open syllable is morphologically
équivalent to a in a closed : e. g., micg, mactV, cyipc wboy», and qjxipe tfgirl«,
for *sarye[t) (2l The direction of the shift has, however, remained uncertain. Among
the numerous examples may be noted : wc longue», from *lié (Assyr. iis-ânu, Ar.
lis-àn, Berber Us — note that in mod. Ar. a prolhetic vowel is usually the same as
the short vowel for which it is substituted); cat crtailn, from *éid (Heb. *sit, Ar. ist,
Assyr. isdu, the t is partial assimilation of original d to the voiceless s); rwr rrlegn,
from *p'âd<c.*peîd<z*purîd (Assyr. puvîdu); ib (Amarna) rrheart», for *yib<clibb
(Sem. libb; note the fact that t has not yet become â); oynam ffright» <Z*ewnîm
<Z*eymîn (Sem. yamîn)® while 6mntg rrSheol», stands for *Eymaniey (Steindorff,
(1) The quiescing of the alef in tlie precerling a in thèse vvords is probably prehisloric, at ail events very
ancient, as we do not find this phenomenon, so régulai- in Semilic, at a later date.
(2) Sayre for *sarye is probably epenthesis rather than metathesis : *sarye> *sayrye> sayre, by dissi-
mulation.
(') Note the transposition of m and n, common both in Egyptian and in the other Semitic languages. The
change of y to w after a vowel is common in Egyptian, and is paralleled in Semitic by the change of initial
w to y.
9-