DOI Seite / Zitierlink:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.17757#0005
1
JiiitoMidwit.
VOLUME LXXXVIL—JULY TO DECEMBER, 1884.
THE GLADSTONE CABINET.—1884.
First Lord of the Treasury..
Chancellor of the Exchequer ..........
Lord President of the Council..
Lord Privy Seal .............
Home Office ..............
Foreign Office .............
Colonial Office ..............
War Secretary .............
Indian Secretary .............
Admiralty.
Chief Secretary for Ireland . . ........
President of the Board of Trade . ......
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
President of the Local Government Board.-
Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone.
Eight Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers.
Earl Spencer, K.G.
Lord Cablingford.
Sir William Vernon Harcourt.
Earl Granville, K.G.
Earl of Derby.
Marquis of Hartington.
Earl of Kimberley.
Earl of Northbrook.
Eight Hon. G. 0. Trevelyan (after-
wards Mr. Campbell-Bannerman.
Eight Hon. J. Chamberlain.
Eight Hon. J. G. Dodson (afterwards
Mr. Trevelyan).
Eight Hon. Sir C. W. Dilke, Bart.
POLITICAL
AT the time when our last half-yearly Summary
concluded, the third reading of the Franchise Bill
was, as therein stated, imminent. Mr. Gladstone moved
it on the 26th June, taking occasion in his earnest and
energetic speech to utter a grave warning of the dangers
which might follow such a summary rejection of the
measure in the Upper House as had been threatened in
advance by certain of the Conservative leaders. The third
reading passed without a division, and as there was no
audible expression of dissent, it was recorded in the Journals
of the House that the Bill, had been read a third time
nem. con.
It was introduced into the Upper House on the 27th
June. Lord Cairns gave notice of an amendment which
he subsequently moved, to the following effect: “ That this
House, while prepared to concur in any well considered
and complete scheme for the extension of the franchise,”
would not agree to the separation of franchise from redis-
tribution without some “adequate assurance” that the
former should not come into operation before the latter
was agreed upon. The obvious arguments against com-
bining redistribution with franchise were reiterated by the
Government, but Lord Caxrns’ Amendment was ultimately
carried by 205 votes against 146, though the Lords, at the
instance of Lord Ltjnraven, formally declared their assent
to the principles of representation contained in the Bill.
Various efforts at compromise were made, on the part
of the Government, and of individual members of the
Upper House, but with no favourable result, Lord Salis-
bury declining to make abatement in his demands. The I
SUMMABY.
Government decided to wind up the Session as quickly as
possible, summon the House again in the Autumn, and
then present their Franchise Bill to the Lower House again.
This of course necessitated the abandonment of the chief of
the other Ministerial Measures, including the London
Government Bill, the Merchant Shipping Bill, and others.
Parliament reassembled for the Autumn Session on 23rd
October. In the meanwhile a great agitation in favour of
the Government Beform Bill, and, incidentally but very
energetically, against the proceeding, the privileges and
even the continued existence of the House of Lords, had
been conducted by the Liberals and Badicals throughout
the country. A great Beform “Demonstration” paraded
the streets of London and mustered in Hyde Park on July
21st; similar if less imposing processions and assemblages
were got up in other parts of the country, and Mr. Glad-
stone entered with unabated ardour upon another “Mid-
lothian Campaign ” of political oratory. The Conservatives
on their side were not inactive, but by counter demonstra-
tions, copious verbal outpourings, and those gatherings in
noblemen’s parks which came to be known as “political
picnics,” endeavoured to influence popular opinion in favour
of their view of the situation. It was felt, however, that
the party of Beform had the greater support in the country,
and that prolonged resistance on the part of the Lords
would bring to a dangerous head that feeling in favour—
as Mr. John Morley put it—of “mending or ending
them ” which was already strong in the breasts of many
(see Cartoons “Follow my Leader,” p. 43, “Neck or
I Nothing,” p. 187; “ The Unconscious Guy Fawkes,” p. 223,
JiiitoMidwit.
VOLUME LXXXVIL—JULY TO DECEMBER, 1884.
THE GLADSTONE CABINET.—1884.
First Lord of the Treasury..
Chancellor of the Exchequer ..........
Lord President of the Council..
Lord Privy Seal .............
Home Office ..............
Foreign Office .............
Colonial Office ..............
War Secretary .............
Indian Secretary .............
Admiralty.
Chief Secretary for Ireland . . ........
President of the Board of Trade . ......
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
President of the Local Government Board.-
Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone.
Eight Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers.
Earl Spencer, K.G.
Lord Cablingford.
Sir William Vernon Harcourt.
Earl Granville, K.G.
Earl of Derby.
Marquis of Hartington.
Earl of Kimberley.
Earl of Northbrook.
Eight Hon. G. 0. Trevelyan (after-
wards Mr. Campbell-Bannerman.
Eight Hon. J. Chamberlain.
Eight Hon. J. G. Dodson (afterwards
Mr. Trevelyan).
Eight Hon. Sir C. W. Dilke, Bart.
POLITICAL
AT the time when our last half-yearly Summary
concluded, the third reading of the Franchise Bill
was, as therein stated, imminent. Mr. Gladstone moved
it on the 26th June, taking occasion in his earnest and
energetic speech to utter a grave warning of the dangers
which might follow such a summary rejection of the
measure in the Upper House as had been threatened in
advance by certain of the Conservative leaders. The third
reading passed without a division, and as there was no
audible expression of dissent, it was recorded in the Journals
of the House that the Bill, had been read a third time
nem. con.
It was introduced into the Upper House on the 27th
June. Lord Cairns gave notice of an amendment which
he subsequently moved, to the following effect: “ That this
House, while prepared to concur in any well considered
and complete scheme for the extension of the franchise,”
would not agree to the separation of franchise from redis-
tribution without some “adequate assurance” that the
former should not come into operation before the latter
was agreed upon. The obvious arguments against com-
bining redistribution with franchise were reiterated by the
Government, but Lord Caxrns’ Amendment was ultimately
carried by 205 votes against 146, though the Lords, at the
instance of Lord Ltjnraven, formally declared their assent
to the principles of representation contained in the Bill.
Various efforts at compromise were made, on the part
of the Government, and of individual members of the
Upper House, but with no favourable result, Lord Salis-
bury declining to make abatement in his demands. The I
SUMMABY.
Government decided to wind up the Session as quickly as
possible, summon the House again in the Autumn, and
then present their Franchise Bill to the Lower House again.
This of course necessitated the abandonment of the chief of
the other Ministerial Measures, including the London
Government Bill, the Merchant Shipping Bill, and others.
Parliament reassembled for the Autumn Session on 23rd
October. In the meanwhile a great agitation in favour of
the Government Beform Bill, and, incidentally but very
energetically, against the proceeding, the privileges and
even the continued existence of the House of Lords, had
been conducted by the Liberals and Badicals throughout
the country. A great Beform “Demonstration” paraded
the streets of London and mustered in Hyde Park on July
21st; similar if less imposing processions and assemblages
were got up in other parts of the country, and Mr. Glad-
stone entered with unabated ardour upon another “Mid-
lothian Campaign ” of political oratory. The Conservatives
on their side were not inactive, but by counter demonstra-
tions, copious verbal outpourings, and those gatherings in
noblemen’s parks which came to be known as “political
picnics,” endeavoured to influence popular opinion in favour
of their view of the situation. It was felt, however, that
the party of Beform had the greater support in the country,
and that prolonged resistance on the part of the Lords
would bring to a dangerous head that feeling in favour—
as Mr. John Morley put it—of “mending or ending
them ” which was already strong in the breasts of many
(see Cartoons “Follow my Leader,” p. 43, “Neck or
I Nothing,” p. 187; “ The Unconscious Guy Fawkes,” p. 223,