Punch (68.1875)

Mai.ch 27, lb75.j

PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.

131

PUNCH’S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.

HE “ Great Council of the Nation’'
was once the title of Parliament.
The “ Great Public Inquiry Office”
would, be a better name for it
now-a-days, when everything is
referred to a Select Committee.
But in the Lords (Friday, March
12th) the Duke of Richmond
performed the now uncommon
feat of bringing a Bill out of,
instead of sending one into, a
Select Committee.

His so-called Tenant Right Bill
is a mild attempt at securing for
tenants compensation for unex-
hausted and authorised improve-
ments of their holdings. It is
the outcome of a Select Committee
obtained by Mr. Philip Pusey as
far back as 1848. Certainly, it
cannot be said that Government
has not taken time for ‘ ‘ consider-
ation.”

The Duke apologised, almost
pathetically, for taking up their
Lordships’ time in explaining; his
Bill. Unfriendly critics might
call it a glaring example of “ class
legislation,” what with its classes
ot improvements, classes of
owners, classes of tenants, classes
of customs, classes of notice, and
classes of procedure. But with
all these classes the Bill is not to
interfere with “ freedom of con-
tract ” between class and class.
A. landlord and tenant may make a class for themselves,
outside of all these classes, and settle their terms of
holding according to the exigences of the one and the
needs or eagerness of the other. The Duke has got in
what he may fairly call the small end of the wedge.

Never was so small an offspring of so long an incuba-
tion. If Select Committees did not occasionally hatch
larger chickens, it is clearly not to their breeding qualities
that they owe their present popularity.

In the Commons, Mr. Rathbone’s complaint of the
undigested state in which Acts of Parliament are found,
in the maws of Consolidation Acts, like the contents of
a tar’s pocket in a shark’s stomach, was met by the
universal recipe—reference to Select Committee.

Sir J. McKenna tried to prove that Ireland is unfairly taxed.

Mr. Lowe nailed the fallacy on which his argument rested. It is not Ireland that is taxed, but Irishmen, and Irishmen pay less than
Saxons. Besides, Sir John, think how Irishmen are allowed to tax the patience of the Saxon in and out of the House.

Mr. T. Brassey wants another Commission on the practice of Marine Insurance, which might, from one view of its consequences,
be best described as “scuttling made profitable.” But strange to say the Commission was not granted as prayed. Mr. Brassey should
have asked for a Select Committee, “ Ca ne se refuse pas,” as the French phrase runs.

Mr. O’Connor Power asked for a general amnesty for the Irish “ political prisoners,” a phrase which in Irish covers Manchester
murderers and soldiers who have been false to their oath. We need not say the request was refused—“ with regret,” as Mr. Cross said,
but with determination.

Monday .—{Lords.) Lord Selborne tried to put a back-bone of compulsory registration into Lord Cairns’ Land Titles and Transfer
Bill, but without effect. “Inexpedient and impracticable,” says the Lord Chancellor. “We don’t make laws to compel people to
do what they don’t like.” That’s our notion of “ harassing legislation.” We had thought till now that three-fourths of the statutes were
passed for precisely that purpose. But all Bills now-a-days are to he Permissive Bills—except the one Sir Wilfrid Lawson wants.

{Commons.) Captain Pim is going to pick holes in Mr. E. J. Reed’s ships, and to ask (of course) fora Select Committee to help him.
Take care, Captain Pim ; Mr. E. J. Reed wields a pen in the Press as wellas a tongue in Parliament, and his assailants’ coats may prove
as easy to pick holes in as his ironclads. Nobody believes in himself—and his ships—more absolutely than the late Chief Constructor of
the Navy. If he and Mr. Bessemer together put down sea-sickness in the Channel, who is there they mayn’t feel strong enough to put
down on dry land ?

Then we had the debate on the Second Reading of the Regimental Exchanges repeated on the Bill going into Committee. But the
Bill “has got to be passed,” as the Aankees say, and argument and amendment are alike idle. Great wrath of the Guards Officers
and their organs at Mr. Goschen’s City way of looking at things, when he charged the Officers of the Household troops, in the words of
a Guards Colonel, with selling “ their prestige and their privileges.”

Perish the thought ! “ Non cauponantes helium, sed belliger antes ” is these indignant warriors’ description of themselves.

Still, an exchange into the Guards does command a higher price than any other sample of the article ; and what is the fancy price
for, if not for “prestige and privileges?” No doubt, it was very rude in" Mr. Goschen to apply City terms to a high military
transaction.

Tuesday .—{Lords.) Poor Lord Lyttelton was very pathetic, in his grim, serio-comic fashion, on the cold shoulder given by the
Government to his Bill for Bishops by Voluntary Contribution. Of course, said Lord Salisbury, Government could not be expected to
be responsible for the Bill, because they could not be confident as to its practical working.

Lord Kimberley very rudely wanted to know if Government had any opinion on the subject. “Any opinion,” indeed! Far toe
many opinions to he pleasant.

{Commons.) Called at two o’clock—to Mr. Newdegate’s serious disgust, who had, mirahile dictu, been absent when the morning