DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16621#0006
Vol. XXXIV.]
INTRODUCTION.
[Ja.ntta.uy to June, 1S58.
who has been sheltered by her power ! A bright example he
set to England ! There was a man who conspired to kill
England's great hero, the late Duke or Wellington ; there
was a man, great too, but fallen in his greatness—and no one
act of his life was more inconsistent with his greatness—who
left a legacy to him who had attempted to assassinate the Duke
of Wellington. My only explanation, my only excuse for
that deed is that the great Napoleon's mind was shaken to
its base ; I do not believe that in his right senses Napoleon
would have perpetrated such au infamous act. But the man
who had received the protection of England, who had come
here after attempting crime after crime against his native
land—that man, when he had climbed to his present height
and power, what did he do ? He paid to his foiled assassin
the wages of his dirty deed—(' No, no ! ' from Mr. Bowyer).
Oh ! I have heard the honourable gentleman defend the
King of Naples—[Loud cheers and laughter)—therefore I
shall not answer him. This man has received his wages—he
is now living in Paris ; and it was stated publicly and osten-
tatiously that the present Emperor of the FkenCH had
paid the legacy left by the great Napoleon to Cantillon,
the disappointed assassin of the Duke of Wellington. And
now, in this House of Commons, panegyrics are showered
profusely over the head of Louis Napoleon."
Mr. Kinglake's Amendment was withdrawn, and the Bill
came on for the second reading on the 19th of February, when
a long and animated debate took place, Mr. Milnkk Giuson
having moved an amendment, and a majority of 234 to 215
was obtained against the Government. Lord Palmerstox
immediately after resigned the Premiership, and was succeeded
by the Eael of Derby. Prior, however, to this Ministerial
defeat, a vote of thanks had been passed to the Civil and
Military officers and servants in India, and Lord Paliuersion
had obtained permission to transfer the Government of that
empire to the Crown.
The new Administration was formed before the re-assembling
of the House of Commons on March the 12th, and the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer (Mu. Disrakli) made the gratifying
announcement that " the painful misconceptions " which had
subsisted for some time between the French and English
Governments had " entirely terminated in a spirit friendly and
honourable, and in a manner conducive to the interests and
happiness of both nations." The India Bill, introduced by the
new Ministers, was very unfavourably received, and the posi-
tion of the Ministry was seriously endangered at one time by
Lord Ellenborough having published a despatch condem-
natory of a proclamation issued by Lord Canning, the
Governor-General of India ; a course it was considered likely
to produce most prejudicial effects, by weakening the au-
thority of the Governor-General, and encouraging to further
resistance those who were at that time in arms against us.
Lord Ellenborough took a decided step to avert the danger
from his colleagues, and retired from the Administration. Our
space forbids us entering more fully upon the interesting
debates connected with this remarkable occurrence, but they
wili repay perusal.
After the recess, Lord John Bussell's proposal to proceed
by resolutions was favourably received, and after many
debates and numerous amendments, the Bill transfer-
ring the Government of India to the Crown passed both
Houses, and received the Boyal Assent on the last day of the
Session.
Mu. KlNGLAKK brought before the House the case of the
Cagliari, a mail-boat plying between Tunis and Genoa and
Cagliari, in Sardinia, and containing two English engineers,
named Watt and Pare. She left Genoa in due course.
After being under steam for about an hoar and a half, the
captain was suddenly seized by a number of armed men,
who told him that they had obtained possession of the ship,
and that he was no longer her master, and who requested
him not to attempt any useless resistance, but to give way to
superior force. He wTas compelled to comply with their de-
mand. The vessel at length arrived at Ponza. On that island
there were a number of Neapolitan prisoners. They con-
sisted of three classes—ordinary criminals, military prisoners,
and persons detained for political offences. The insurgents
broke open the prison, released the prisoners, and brought them
cn board to the number of 391. The vessel then sailed for
the mainland of Italy, and late at night on the 28th arrived
at Sapri. It was then intimated to the captain of the vessel,
for the first time since the rising against him, that he was a
free man. The Captain immediately determined to set sail for
Naples to inform the Consul and the Neapolitan authorities
of the disaster, and on the morning of the 29th, while the
Cagliari was on the high seas, at the distance, certainly, of
not less than six miles from any land, she was seized by a Nea-
| politan squadron of two steam frigates under the command of
a Neapolitan rear-admiral. It is important to remark that
the Neapolitan steamers approached from a direction opposite
to that in which the Cagliari was going, and consequently not
in the direction of pursuit. In point of fact, this was the first
minute the officers of the Neapolitan squadron ever set eyes
on the Cagliari. Lord Clarendon, the then Minister of
Foreign Affairs, had stated that the captain of the Cagliari
had surrendered to the Neapolitan officers, but from the log
of the vessel, aud from the statement of the Attorney-General
of the Neapolitan Government, the truth of the matter
appeared to be that when the Cagliari was sighted by the
Neapolitan cruisers, and when the latter came near her, they
fired a shot. The officers of the Neapolitan frigates made
preparations for clearing for action, and then signalled the
captain of the Cagliari to come on board with all his papers.
When he went on board, he was treated to all intents and
purposes as a prisoner ; he was subjected to an inquisition,
an officer was sent on board the Cagliari to search for arms,
and returned bearing two cases of arms ; one of the cruisers
was ordered to take the Cagliari in tow, and did accordingly
take her in tow and brought her to Naples. It was clear,
then, that there existed no right on the part of the Neapolitan
cruiser to treat the Cagliari as a lawful capture. No sort of
offence bearing the nature of an international crime was com-
mitted from first to last, and from the moment of the rising of
the men against the Sardinian crew the offence committed
was one against the municipal law of Sardinia. It being
impossible for the Neapolitan Government to treat the case of
the Cagliari as a case of piracy, they endeavoured to treat it
as a case of war ; but not of war between Naples and Sar-
dinia, or England, but of war between the King of the Two
Sicilies and a small body of insurgents, and the Neapolitan
authorities had endeavoured to deduce from this fanciful sup-
position of a private war the consequence that they had bel-
ligerent rights, not merely against the insurgents themselves,
but also against all persons who happened to be neutrals in
this great war ; and that they were entitled to take English-
men into custody, and have their innocence attested by Prize
Courts—the Prize Court being an institution belonging
INTRODUCTION.
[Ja.ntta.uy to June, 1S58.
who has been sheltered by her power ! A bright example he
set to England ! There was a man who conspired to kill
England's great hero, the late Duke or Wellington ; there
was a man, great too, but fallen in his greatness—and no one
act of his life was more inconsistent with his greatness—who
left a legacy to him who had attempted to assassinate the Duke
of Wellington. My only explanation, my only excuse for
that deed is that the great Napoleon's mind was shaken to
its base ; I do not believe that in his right senses Napoleon
would have perpetrated such au infamous act. But the man
who had received the protection of England, who had come
here after attempting crime after crime against his native
land—that man, when he had climbed to his present height
and power, what did he do ? He paid to his foiled assassin
the wages of his dirty deed—(' No, no ! ' from Mr. Bowyer).
Oh ! I have heard the honourable gentleman defend the
King of Naples—[Loud cheers and laughter)—therefore I
shall not answer him. This man has received his wages—he
is now living in Paris ; and it was stated publicly and osten-
tatiously that the present Emperor of the FkenCH had
paid the legacy left by the great Napoleon to Cantillon,
the disappointed assassin of the Duke of Wellington. And
now, in this House of Commons, panegyrics are showered
profusely over the head of Louis Napoleon."
Mr. Kinglake's Amendment was withdrawn, and the Bill
came on for the second reading on the 19th of February, when
a long and animated debate took place, Mr. Milnkk Giuson
having moved an amendment, and a majority of 234 to 215
was obtained against the Government. Lord Palmerstox
immediately after resigned the Premiership, and was succeeded
by the Eael of Derby. Prior, however, to this Ministerial
defeat, a vote of thanks had been passed to the Civil and
Military officers and servants in India, and Lord Paliuersion
had obtained permission to transfer the Government of that
empire to the Crown.
The new Administration was formed before the re-assembling
of the House of Commons on March the 12th, and the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer (Mu. Disrakli) made the gratifying
announcement that " the painful misconceptions " which had
subsisted for some time between the French and English
Governments had " entirely terminated in a spirit friendly and
honourable, and in a manner conducive to the interests and
happiness of both nations." The India Bill, introduced by the
new Ministers, was very unfavourably received, and the posi-
tion of the Ministry was seriously endangered at one time by
Lord Ellenborough having published a despatch condem-
natory of a proclamation issued by Lord Canning, the
Governor-General of India ; a course it was considered likely
to produce most prejudicial effects, by weakening the au-
thority of the Governor-General, and encouraging to further
resistance those who were at that time in arms against us.
Lord Ellenborough took a decided step to avert the danger
from his colleagues, and retired from the Administration. Our
space forbids us entering more fully upon the interesting
debates connected with this remarkable occurrence, but they
wili repay perusal.
After the recess, Lord John Bussell's proposal to proceed
by resolutions was favourably received, and after many
debates and numerous amendments, the Bill transfer-
ring the Government of India to the Crown passed both
Houses, and received the Boyal Assent on the last day of the
Session.
Mu. KlNGLAKK brought before the House the case of the
Cagliari, a mail-boat plying between Tunis and Genoa and
Cagliari, in Sardinia, and containing two English engineers,
named Watt and Pare. She left Genoa in due course.
After being under steam for about an hoar and a half, the
captain was suddenly seized by a number of armed men,
who told him that they had obtained possession of the ship,
and that he was no longer her master, and who requested
him not to attempt any useless resistance, but to give way to
superior force. He wTas compelled to comply with their de-
mand. The vessel at length arrived at Ponza. On that island
there were a number of Neapolitan prisoners. They con-
sisted of three classes—ordinary criminals, military prisoners,
and persons detained for political offences. The insurgents
broke open the prison, released the prisoners, and brought them
cn board to the number of 391. The vessel then sailed for
the mainland of Italy, and late at night on the 28th arrived
at Sapri. It was then intimated to the captain of the vessel,
for the first time since the rising against him, that he was a
free man. The Captain immediately determined to set sail for
Naples to inform the Consul and the Neapolitan authorities
of the disaster, and on the morning of the 29th, while the
Cagliari was on the high seas, at the distance, certainly, of
not less than six miles from any land, she was seized by a Nea-
| politan squadron of two steam frigates under the command of
a Neapolitan rear-admiral. It is important to remark that
the Neapolitan steamers approached from a direction opposite
to that in which the Cagliari was going, and consequently not
in the direction of pursuit. In point of fact, this was the first
minute the officers of the Neapolitan squadron ever set eyes
on the Cagliari. Lord Clarendon, the then Minister of
Foreign Affairs, had stated that the captain of the Cagliari
had surrendered to the Neapolitan officers, but from the log
of the vessel, aud from the statement of the Attorney-General
of the Neapolitan Government, the truth of the matter
appeared to be that when the Cagliari was sighted by the
Neapolitan cruisers, and when the latter came near her, they
fired a shot. The officers of the Neapolitan frigates made
preparations for clearing for action, and then signalled the
captain of the Cagliari to come on board with all his papers.
When he went on board, he was treated to all intents and
purposes as a prisoner ; he was subjected to an inquisition,
an officer was sent on board the Cagliari to search for arms,
and returned bearing two cases of arms ; one of the cruisers
was ordered to take the Cagliari in tow, and did accordingly
take her in tow and brought her to Naples. It was clear,
then, that there existed no right on the part of the Neapolitan
cruiser to treat the Cagliari as a lawful capture. No sort of
offence bearing the nature of an international crime was com-
mitted from first to last, and from the moment of the rising of
the men against the Sardinian crew the offence committed
was one against the municipal law of Sardinia. It being
impossible for the Neapolitan Government to treat the case of
the Cagliari as a case of piracy, they endeavoured to treat it
as a case of war ; but not of war between Naples and Sar-
dinia, or England, but of war between the King of the Two
Sicilies and a small body of insurgents, and the Neapolitan
authorities had endeavoured to deduce from this fanciful sup-
position of a private war the consequence that they had bel-
ligerent rights, not merely against the insurgents themselves,
but also against all persons who happened to be neutrals in
this great war ; and that they were entitled to take English-
men into custody, and have their innocence attested by Prize
Courts—the Prize Court being an institution belonging