DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16872#0008
INTRODUCTION.
[July to December, 1863.
Vol. XLV.]
PAGE
On March 10 the marriage of the Royal pair was celebrated
with great splendour, and those who are desirous to learn how
charmingly the bride was dressed, how well she conducted
herself on the trying occasion, how H.R.H. the Prince oe
Wales deported himself, and all that Herald and Court
Newsman have recorded of the marriage ceremonies, are re-
ferred to our own authority for much which is here recorded
—the Annual Register.
The state of Poland was attracting attention both in
England (vide Essence) and France, and discussion in the
French Chambers, as in the English Parliament, was produc-
tive of much embarrassment to Ministers. The cruelty of the
conscription as carried out in Poland excited universal con-
demnation in this country. Men had been seized for their
political opinions, and, while the peasantry had been exempted,
the townspeople had been solely chosen for the army. In
fact, as Lord Napier, the British Ambassador at St. Peters-
burg, observed in a despatch to Lord Russell, “ it was a
design to make a clean sweep of the revolutionary youth of
Poland,—to shut up the most energetic and dangerous spirits
in the restraints of the Russian army ; it was simply a plan
to kidnap the opposition and send it off to Siberia or the
Caucasus.” Prussia had consented that Russian soldiers should
pursue Polish insurgents within the Prussian frontier, and had
thus made herself a partner in the guilt of Russia. Austria,
also, declared her intention of remaining true to her engage-
ments with Russia, but promised protection to the Galician
Poles. In France and England great sympathy was expressed
for the enslaved people of Poland—and that was all. The
correspondence of our Foreign Secretary, Earl Russell,
led to other complications.
The circumstances which caused the cessation of diplomatic
intercourse between this country and Brazil in the preceding
year occasioned much animadversion of the Government, but
by the intervention of the King oe the Belgians, the
differences were satisfactorily arranged, England having to eat
humble pie.
On the 4th of November the Emperor oe the French
addressed letters to the different Sovereigns proposing a Con-
ference to consider the general state of Europe. After some
preliminary sentences his letter proceeded : —
“ Called to the throne by Providence and the will of the French people,
but trained in the school of adversity, I am perhaps bound less than any
other to ignore the rights of Sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations of
nations.
“ Therefore I am ready, without any preconceived system, to bring to an
International Council the spirit of moderation and justice, the usual portion
of those who have endured so many various trials.
“ If I take the initiative in such an overture, I do not yield to an impulse
of vanity ; but as I am the Sovereign to whom ambitious projects are most
attributed, I have it at heart to prove by this frank and loyal step that my
sole object is to arrive without a shock at the pacification of Europe. If this
proposition be favourably received, I pray you to accept Paris as the place
of meeting.
“ In case the princes, allies, and friends of France, should think proper to
heighten by their presence the authority of the deliberations, I shall be
proud to offer them my cordial hospitality. Europe would see, perhaps,
some advantage in the capital from which the signal for subversion has so
often been given becoming the seat of the Conferences destined to lay the
basis of a general pacification.”
Her Majesty, whom the Emperor had addressed as
“Madame ma Sceur,” by the advice of her Ministers declined
the Conference—perhaps somewhat too brusquely.
The Schleswig-Holstein question, which had long perplexed
Mr. Punch and other potentates, assumed this year a definite
and practical form, and led to the spoliation by Prussia and
Austria of “ a fair cantle ” of the King of Denmark’s domi-
nions.
We need not comment at present on the flagrant disregard
of good faith and treaty rights which made this spoliation
possible.
The Emperor of Austria convened a meeting of German
Sovereigns and Princes at Frankfort, but the King of
Prussia would not attend, although solicited by the Emperor
of Austria iu person. The Congress, however, proceeded,
and to the ultimate satisfaction of its projector.
The Japanese occasioned us some trouble by brutally mur-
dering Mr. Richardson, and committing a savage assault
upon an English lady and two friends who were riding with
the unfortunate gentleman, on a public road near the English
settlement, in the month of September of last year. The
Tycoon paid £100,000, and made an ample apology, but the
Prince of Satsuma was obstinate, but after one or two sharp
engagements, when an enormous amount of Japanese property
was destroyed, the Prince consented to do his utmost to
capture the murderers of Mr. Richardson.
Among the remarkable features of 1863 was the unusual
fluctuations in the money-market, the Bank of England
making no less than twelve changes in the rate of discount;
induced possibly by the extent and variety of the new invest-
ments of capital. Loans for Turkey, Denmark, Brazil,
Portugal, and the Confederate States, were in demand, and no
less than two hundred and sixty-three companies were pro-
jected. The total nominal capital of these investments, loans,
and new companies was stated to be more than 144 millions
of money l
“ If the situation of the different countries be attentively considered, it is
impossible not to admit that the treaties of Vienna upon almost all points
are destroyed, modified, misunderstood, or menaced. Hence, duties without
rule, rights without title, and pretensions without restraint. The danger is
so much the more formidable because the improvements brought about by
civilisation, which has bound nations together by the identity of material
interests, would render war still more destructive.
“ This is a subject for serious reflection ; let us not wait before deciding
on our course for sudden and irresistible events to disturb our judgment and
carry us away despite ourselves in opposite directions.
“ I therefore propose to you to regulate the present and ‘ore the future
in a Congress.
PAG
[July to December, 1863.
Vol. XLV.]
PAGE
On March 10 the marriage of the Royal pair was celebrated
with great splendour, and those who are desirous to learn how
charmingly the bride was dressed, how well she conducted
herself on the trying occasion, how H.R.H. the Prince oe
Wales deported himself, and all that Herald and Court
Newsman have recorded of the marriage ceremonies, are re-
ferred to our own authority for much which is here recorded
—the Annual Register.
The state of Poland was attracting attention both in
England (vide Essence) and France, and discussion in the
French Chambers, as in the English Parliament, was produc-
tive of much embarrassment to Ministers. The cruelty of the
conscription as carried out in Poland excited universal con-
demnation in this country. Men had been seized for their
political opinions, and, while the peasantry had been exempted,
the townspeople had been solely chosen for the army. In
fact, as Lord Napier, the British Ambassador at St. Peters-
burg, observed in a despatch to Lord Russell, “ it was a
design to make a clean sweep of the revolutionary youth of
Poland,—to shut up the most energetic and dangerous spirits
in the restraints of the Russian army ; it was simply a plan
to kidnap the opposition and send it off to Siberia or the
Caucasus.” Prussia had consented that Russian soldiers should
pursue Polish insurgents within the Prussian frontier, and had
thus made herself a partner in the guilt of Russia. Austria,
also, declared her intention of remaining true to her engage-
ments with Russia, but promised protection to the Galician
Poles. In France and England great sympathy was expressed
for the enslaved people of Poland—and that was all. The
correspondence of our Foreign Secretary, Earl Russell,
led to other complications.
The circumstances which caused the cessation of diplomatic
intercourse between this country and Brazil in the preceding
year occasioned much animadversion of the Government, but
by the intervention of the King oe the Belgians, the
differences were satisfactorily arranged, England having to eat
humble pie.
On the 4th of November the Emperor oe the French
addressed letters to the different Sovereigns proposing a Con-
ference to consider the general state of Europe. After some
preliminary sentences his letter proceeded : —
“ Called to the throne by Providence and the will of the French people,
but trained in the school of adversity, I am perhaps bound less than any
other to ignore the rights of Sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations of
nations.
“ Therefore I am ready, without any preconceived system, to bring to an
International Council the spirit of moderation and justice, the usual portion
of those who have endured so many various trials.
“ If I take the initiative in such an overture, I do not yield to an impulse
of vanity ; but as I am the Sovereign to whom ambitious projects are most
attributed, I have it at heart to prove by this frank and loyal step that my
sole object is to arrive without a shock at the pacification of Europe. If this
proposition be favourably received, I pray you to accept Paris as the place
of meeting.
“ In case the princes, allies, and friends of France, should think proper to
heighten by their presence the authority of the deliberations, I shall be
proud to offer them my cordial hospitality. Europe would see, perhaps,
some advantage in the capital from which the signal for subversion has so
often been given becoming the seat of the Conferences destined to lay the
basis of a general pacification.”
Her Majesty, whom the Emperor had addressed as
“Madame ma Sceur,” by the advice of her Ministers declined
the Conference—perhaps somewhat too brusquely.
The Schleswig-Holstein question, which had long perplexed
Mr. Punch and other potentates, assumed this year a definite
and practical form, and led to the spoliation by Prussia and
Austria of “ a fair cantle ” of the King of Denmark’s domi-
nions.
We need not comment at present on the flagrant disregard
of good faith and treaty rights which made this spoliation
possible.
The Emperor of Austria convened a meeting of German
Sovereigns and Princes at Frankfort, but the King of
Prussia would not attend, although solicited by the Emperor
of Austria iu person. The Congress, however, proceeded,
and to the ultimate satisfaction of its projector.
The Japanese occasioned us some trouble by brutally mur-
dering Mr. Richardson, and committing a savage assault
upon an English lady and two friends who were riding with
the unfortunate gentleman, on a public road near the English
settlement, in the month of September of last year. The
Tycoon paid £100,000, and made an ample apology, but the
Prince of Satsuma was obstinate, but after one or two sharp
engagements, when an enormous amount of Japanese property
was destroyed, the Prince consented to do his utmost to
capture the murderers of Mr. Richardson.
Among the remarkable features of 1863 was the unusual
fluctuations in the money-market, the Bank of England
making no less than twelve changes in the rate of discount;
induced possibly by the extent and variety of the new invest-
ments of capital. Loans for Turkey, Denmark, Brazil,
Portugal, and the Confederate States, were in demand, and no
less than two hundred and sixty-three companies were pro-
jected. The total nominal capital of these investments, loans,
and new companies was stated to be more than 144 millions
of money l
“ If the situation of the different countries be attentively considered, it is
impossible not to admit that the treaties of Vienna upon almost all points
are destroyed, modified, misunderstood, or menaced. Hence, duties without
rule, rights without title, and pretensions without restraint. The danger is
so much the more formidable because the improvements brought about by
civilisation, which has bound nations together by the identity of material
interests, would render war still more destructive.
“ This is a subject for serious reflection ; let us not wait before deciding
on our course for sudden and irresistible events to disturb our judgment and
carry us away despite ourselves in opposite directions.
“ I therefore propose to you to regulate the present and ‘ore the future
in a Congress.
PAG