DOI Heft:
July 11, 1874
DOI Seite / Zitierlink: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16939#0020
12
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI. [July 11, 1874.
PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
aying a Hampton in the Upper House
what more useful function could we fine
for him than to apply from time to tim(
a mild Educational blister to the officia
epidermis of the Duke of Richmond i
On Monday, June 20, he wanted to know
if Government was going to do anything
for the better fitting of Upper and Middle
. ctL. class School-masters for their work ?
Sufficient for the day is the School-
master thereof—and the School-master of the day is the Lower-class School-
master. When we have disposed of him it will be time enough to take up Uppei
and Middle. Besides, if Lower is once what he ought to be, we need not feel muc!
fear about Upper and Middle being raised pari passu. You can’t elevate a
lower stratum without heaving up those that rest upon it.
Me. J enkins asked a silly question about a leading article in the Standard,
and got a sharp answer from Me. Diseaeli.
Me. Ashley tried to pledge the Government to put down Slavery on the Gold
Coast.
Me. Lowthee spoke some clear-headed common-sense on the subject.
Of course Government would do all they could to discourage “Domestic’"
Slavery. It seems that the house-servants in the Gold Coast Protectorate are
what the servants here say they are-Slaves. But abolition of that kind oi
servitude isn’t so easy, as every Paterfamilias knows who has ever seriously
tried to put down “ Domestic Slavery ”—i.e., the slavery of Masters by Servants
—in his own establishment.
Me. Diseaeli said the issue raised by the Resolution was between acting
with caution and consideration, and acting in heat and violence.
Better leave Government to set in motion the influences that will reach the
roots of slavery, than frighten the natives, and put their backs up, by slashing
at the upper-growth of what is, after all, their vine and fig-tree. Their com-
fortable shade depends on slaves, as ours on servants, to look after it—and we
ought to consider the comforts of our proteges, even though niggers and nigger -
drivers. The debate won’t do any harm; but domestic
slavery, like drunkenness, is not to be most hopefully
assailed by direct legislation. The stronger the enemy,
the more advisable is flank attack.
Tuesday.—Intoxicating Liquors in the Lords. Loed
Beauchamp put the best face on the Bill for the Govern-
ment. Loed Abeedaee had his revenge. In what
appreciable respect is either Bung or Bona fide Traveller
better off under Ceoss’s Bill than under his much-abused
Act of 1872 ? (Punch has his objections to both ; but,
as against Ckoss, he is bound to say Loed Aeeedaee
has a capital case, and might fairly crow even louder
than he did on Tuesday. The best and worst that can
be said of Ceoss’s Bill is that it is a supplement of
Loed Abeedaee’s.
Punch hopes he may he excused, professional con-
siderations apart, for asking his friend the Little Wittier
if he has yet discovered—between Ceoss and Beuce—
which is Coddlin and which is Short ? It strikes Punch
most strongly that if ever there was a case of six o’
one and half-a-dozen o’ the other, it is in this case of
Ceoss v. Beuce. If there is a quarter of an hour to
choose between their Bills, that is about all.)
In the Commons, we had the first night of the great
Home Rule debate, and the last on Thursday. Suppose
Punch follows the precedent of the O’Connoe Poweb
case, and reports Thursday’s talk on Tuesday F There is an
old proverb about throwing a tub to a whale. . . . Substi-
tuting “ Butt ” for “ tub,” this is about the sum and sub-
stance of Tuesday and Thursday night’s eloquence. Only
it was a Butt without a bottom. There was no reality
in the whole business. The Member for Limerick and
his supporters were not talking for England, hut for
their Home-Rulers, that is the least intelligent part of
their Irish constituencies. They know themselves that
the ear of Parliament is closed, the mind of Parliament
made up, on the point, even as the ear and mind of John
Bull out of Parliament. And more, they know—nine-
tenths of them—that they are talking bunkum—talking
what they no more believe themselves, than they expect
J ohn Bull to believe that they believe. The truths on
the subject are disagreeable ones, but they lie in a
nut-shell; and Punch can formulate some of them which
Sib Michael Hicks Beach and the Mabquis of Haet-
ington and Me. Diseaeli can not put quite so plainly.
They are these :—
Home-Rule means—
Rome-rule in School legislation: Peasant-rule in
Land legislation: Protectionist-rule in Trade legisla-
tion : Job-rule in Finance legislation : and Mob-rule in
all legislation. It has no real beginning but the desire
of separation; no real end but the accomplishment of
separation, at the cost of Civil War.
Bbitannia might, if peace and quietness were all she
had to consider, be willing that Ireland should go her
own way, and be thankful to cast Irish burdens on Irish
backs. But Bbitannia’s duty comes before her peace and
quietness—duty to Ireland,. apart from herself, even
more than duty to herself, including Ireland. This is
a United Kingdom, and a United Kingdom it must
remain. The sooner Paddy makes up his mind to that
conclusion, and acts upon it, the better for him; and the
sooner he learns to distrust the Parliamentary orators
and Press organs that tell him otherwise, the better for
him, them, and everybody.
Me. Butt was as fiuent for Home-Rule as he was
against Repeal, in the days of O’Connell, but. less
forcible, because then he was talking on the other side—
the side of truth and reason.
The Mabquis of Habtington and Sie Michaei Hicks
Beach wasted much common-sense and an overwhelm-
ing amount of statistics in proving what everybody,.—
except the dupes of the Irish Agitators, and the fanatics
who lend a spice of sincerity to the knavery of the
Home-Rule Movement, —is satisfied of already—viz., that
the best hope for Ireland lies in her maintaining her
position as an integral part of the United Kingdom,
under a common Parliament. Mb. Lowe and Me.
Diseaeli spent wit and eloquence in enforcing the same
foregone conclusion.
The O’Donoghue delivered some sharp hits from the
shoulder right in the teeth of the Home-Rule Orators ;
and Me. O’Connoe Powee, in reply, spoke a speech,
but not the speech which he did not speak on Tuesday.
Wednesday.—Me. Dixon moved the Second Reading
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI. [July 11, 1874.
PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
aying a Hampton in the Upper House
what more useful function could we fine
for him than to apply from time to tim(
a mild Educational blister to the officia
epidermis of the Duke of Richmond i
On Monday, June 20, he wanted to know
if Government was going to do anything
for the better fitting of Upper and Middle
. ctL. class School-masters for their work ?
Sufficient for the day is the School-
master thereof—and the School-master of the day is the Lower-class School-
master. When we have disposed of him it will be time enough to take up Uppei
and Middle. Besides, if Lower is once what he ought to be, we need not feel muc!
fear about Upper and Middle being raised pari passu. You can’t elevate a
lower stratum without heaving up those that rest upon it.
Me. J enkins asked a silly question about a leading article in the Standard,
and got a sharp answer from Me. Diseaeli.
Me. Ashley tried to pledge the Government to put down Slavery on the Gold
Coast.
Me. Lowthee spoke some clear-headed common-sense on the subject.
Of course Government would do all they could to discourage “Domestic’"
Slavery. It seems that the house-servants in the Gold Coast Protectorate are
what the servants here say they are-Slaves. But abolition of that kind oi
servitude isn’t so easy, as every Paterfamilias knows who has ever seriously
tried to put down “ Domestic Slavery ”—i.e., the slavery of Masters by Servants
—in his own establishment.
Me. Diseaeli said the issue raised by the Resolution was between acting
with caution and consideration, and acting in heat and violence.
Better leave Government to set in motion the influences that will reach the
roots of slavery, than frighten the natives, and put their backs up, by slashing
at the upper-growth of what is, after all, their vine and fig-tree. Their com-
fortable shade depends on slaves, as ours on servants, to look after it—and we
ought to consider the comforts of our proteges, even though niggers and nigger -
drivers. The debate won’t do any harm; but domestic
slavery, like drunkenness, is not to be most hopefully
assailed by direct legislation. The stronger the enemy,
the more advisable is flank attack.
Tuesday.—Intoxicating Liquors in the Lords. Loed
Beauchamp put the best face on the Bill for the Govern-
ment. Loed Abeedaee had his revenge. In what
appreciable respect is either Bung or Bona fide Traveller
better off under Ceoss’s Bill than under his much-abused
Act of 1872 ? (Punch has his objections to both ; but,
as against Ckoss, he is bound to say Loed Aeeedaee
has a capital case, and might fairly crow even louder
than he did on Tuesday. The best and worst that can
be said of Ceoss’s Bill is that it is a supplement of
Loed Abeedaee’s.
Punch hopes he may he excused, professional con-
siderations apart, for asking his friend the Little Wittier
if he has yet discovered—between Ceoss and Beuce—
which is Coddlin and which is Short ? It strikes Punch
most strongly that if ever there was a case of six o’
one and half-a-dozen o’ the other, it is in this case of
Ceoss v. Beuce. If there is a quarter of an hour to
choose between their Bills, that is about all.)
In the Commons, we had the first night of the great
Home Rule debate, and the last on Thursday. Suppose
Punch follows the precedent of the O’Connoe Poweb
case, and reports Thursday’s talk on Tuesday F There is an
old proverb about throwing a tub to a whale. . . . Substi-
tuting “ Butt ” for “ tub,” this is about the sum and sub-
stance of Tuesday and Thursday night’s eloquence. Only
it was a Butt without a bottom. There was no reality
in the whole business. The Member for Limerick and
his supporters were not talking for England, hut for
their Home-Rulers, that is the least intelligent part of
their Irish constituencies. They know themselves that
the ear of Parliament is closed, the mind of Parliament
made up, on the point, even as the ear and mind of John
Bull out of Parliament. And more, they know—nine-
tenths of them—that they are talking bunkum—talking
what they no more believe themselves, than they expect
J ohn Bull to believe that they believe. The truths on
the subject are disagreeable ones, but they lie in a
nut-shell; and Punch can formulate some of them which
Sib Michael Hicks Beach and the Mabquis of Haet-
ington and Me. Diseaeli can not put quite so plainly.
They are these :—
Home-Rule means—
Rome-rule in School legislation: Peasant-rule in
Land legislation: Protectionist-rule in Trade legisla-
tion : Job-rule in Finance legislation : and Mob-rule in
all legislation. It has no real beginning but the desire
of separation; no real end but the accomplishment of
separation, at the cost of Civil War.
Bbitannia might, if peace and quietness were all she
had to consider, be willing that Ireland should go her
own way, and be thankful to cast Irish burdens on Irish
backs. But Bbitannia’s duty comes before her peace and
quietness—duty to Ireland,. apart from herself, even
more than duty to herself, including Ireland. This is
a United Kingdom, and a United Kingdom it must
remain. The sooner Paddy makes up his mind to that
conclusion, and acts upon it, the better for him; and the
sooner he learns to distrust the Parliamentary orators
and Press organs that tell him otherwise, the better for
him, them, and everybody.
Me. Butt was as fiuent for Home-Rule as he was
against Repeal, in the days of O’Connell, but. less
forcible, because then he was talking on the other side—
the side of truth and reason.
The Mabquis of Habtington and Sie Michaei Hicks
Beach wasted much common-sense and an overwhelm-
ing amount of statistics in proving what everybody,.—
except the dupes of the Irish Agitators, and the fanatics
who lend a spice of sincerity to the knavery of the
Home-Rule Movement, —is satisfied of already—viz., that
the best hope for Ireland lies in her maintaining her
position as an integral part of the United Kingdom,
under a common Parliament. Mb. Lowe and Me.
Diseaeli spent wit and eloquence in enforcing the same
foregone conclusion.
The O’Donoghue delivered some sharp hits from the
shoulder right in the teeth of the Home-Rule Orators ;
and Me. O’Connoe Powee, in reply, spoke a speech,
but not the speech which he did not speak on Tuesday.
Wednesday.—Me. Dixon moved the Second Reading