62
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
ll's well that ends well.
If the "scare" of Thurs-
day has done no other
good, it has made an end
of Mr. Fobstee's Amend-
ment, and so released the
Opposition from a painful
predicament. Every
Englishman, Conserva-
tive or Liberal, Russophil
or Turcophil—or neither,
as nine out of ten English-
men are—every man with
a head on his shoulders,
and a heart in his body,
must rejoice that Parlia-
ment has been spared a
division on the Vote of
Credit.
Not but what "divi-
sion " on the present
crisis, and its consequences, there is, and must be. In fact, there is just as much foundation
for saying that on the Eastern Question and the issues growing out of it, we have a united
public opinion, as that we have a united Cabinet. To believe those who say so, a man's ears
must be plugged with gun-cotton, and his eyes blinded with the blinkers of party feeling.
Only on one point all patriotic and sensible Englishmen are of one mind—the wish, if it be
in any way possible, not to allow division of opinion in the Cabinet, in Parliament, or the
country, to cripple the action of Grovernment at this crisis. Even those who distrust the
Cabinet, as they cannot displace it, are bound to give it what it asks to put our fighting-gear
into fighting trim. It may,—we all pray it may,—never be necessary to draw the sword. But if sword have, unhappily, to be drawn, it
will be well for England, for Europe, for the world, that it should be sharp and fit for use—blade and handle. It is to the Executive that
the sword is trusted : the Executive is answerable for not drawing it save on compulsion. "While Lord Debby is at the Foreign Office, the
country feels assurance that the sword will not be lightly or needlessly drawn.
Having said this, Punch may say, " Liberavi animam meam ; " and so may the Opposition. They have set forth, in four long nights'
debate, their reasons for distrusting or disagreeing with the G-overnment. They have enforced the fullest explanation of their policy
Government can give. They may think of the Vote as Mr. Gladstone, or Sir William Habcolet, or Mr. Foestee, as Mr. Petee
Rtlands, or Sir "Wilfeid Lawson-, or Mr. Geanl Ddtf thinks of it. But there an end. They cannot refuse the Government's demand,
while it continues the Government. Being asked for, and the reasons for asking explained, the money must be given.
Therefore Punch rejoices that Mr. Fobstee's Amendment is withdrawn.
Monday and Tuesday.—-He regrets that the debates of both nights were, like Cook's excursions,'" personally-conducted." Mr. Cross
PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
ll's well that ends well.
If the "scare" of Thurs-
day has done no other
good, it has made an end
of Mr. Fobstee's Amend-
ment, and so released the
Opposition from a painful
predicament. Every
Englishman, Conserva-
tive or Liberal, Russophil
or Turcophil—or neither,
as nine out of ten English-
men are—every man with
a head on his shoulders,
and a heart in his body,
must rejoice that Parlia-
ment has been spared a
division on the Vote of
Credit.
Not but what "divi-
sion " on the present
crisis, and its consequences, there is, and must be. In fact, there is just as much foundation
for saying that on the Eastern Question and the issues growing out of it, we have a united
public opinion, as that we have a united Cabinet. To believe those who say so, a man's ears
must be plugged with gun-cotton, and his eyes blinded with the blinkers of party feeling.
Only on one point all patriotic and sensible Englishmen are of one mind—the wish, if it be
in any way possible, not to allow division of opinion in the Cabinet, in Parliament, or the
country, to cripple the action of Grovernment at this crisis. Even those who distrust the
Cabinet, as they cannot displace it, are bound to give it what it asks to put our fighting-gear
into fighting trim. It may,—we all pray it may,—never be necessary to draw the sword. But if sword have, unhappily, to be drawn, it
will be well for England, for Europe, for the world, that it should be sharp and fit for use—blade and handle. It is to the Executive that
the sword is trusted : the Executive is answerable for not drawing it save on compulsion. "While Lord Debby is at the Foreign Office, the
country feels assurance that the sword will not be lightly or needlessly drawn.
Having said this, Punch may say, " Liberavi animam meam ; " and so may the Opposition. They have set forth, in four long nights'
debate, their reasons for distrusting or disagreeing with the G-overnment. They have enforced the fullest explanation of their policy
Government can give. They may think of the Vote as Mr. Gladstone, or Sir William Habcolet, or Mr. Foestee, as Mr. Petee
Rtlands, or Sir "Wilfeid Lawson-, or Mr. Geanl Ddtf thinks of it. But there an end. They cannot refuse the Government's demand,
while it continues the Government. Being asked for, and the reasons for asking explained, the money must be given.
Therefore Punch rejoices that Mr. Fobstee's Amendment is withdrawn.
Monday and Tuesday.—-He regrets that the debates of both nights were, like Cook's excursions,'" personally-conducted." Mr. Cross
Werk/Gegenstand/Objekt
Titel
Titel/Objekt
Punch's essence of parliament
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Punch
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H 634-3 Folio
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Bildbeschriftung: Government; Heat of discussion; Boiling over
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um 1878
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1873 - 1883
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Digitales Bild
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Public Domain Mark 1.0
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Punch, 74.1878, February 16, 1878, S. 62
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Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg