EXCAVATTNG THE BASILICAS
of the anti-pagan decrees of Theodosius (Gawlikowski 1983). As for the Baalshamin tempie, the tra-
ditionally accepted theory about its transformation into a church has been quesboned coiwincingly.6
In a recently undertaken survey three morę presumed church buildings were identified in var-
ious locations throughout the city [Fig. 3]. One was located directly north of Diocletian's baths
and two others were recognized, close to the tetrapylon and next to the western gate of the Great
Colonnade respectively. Although smaller in size (not exceeding some 20-22 m in length), they
nevertheless featured typical basilical plans. Ali of them appeared to be monoapsidal, three aisled
basilicas, although precise layouts are difficult to tracę due to the vestigial character of the pre-
served remains, barely rising above the present ground level. Ali in all, there are eight churches
which can now be placed on the city map.7 Similarly as in other Late Antiąue towns, the rising
number of churches is a reflection not so much óf the community's religious needs as of euergęsia
and piety of the town elites.8 The beginnings of Christianity in Palmyra are virtually unknown
but the rapid spread of the new religion is best attested by a Palmyrene bishop, Marinos, taking
part in the Council of Nicaea in AD 325 (Kowalski 1997; Kaizer 2010).
Interestingly enough, all of the churches are located in the area north of the Great Colonnade.
This feature appears to have a significant bearing on the urban evolution of the city in Late An-
tiąuity, an issue that has already been signaled. Is it accidental or does it reflect perhaps the degra-
dation, if not abandonment of the Southern part of town and the establishment of a new, Christian
center in the north?
The latest fieldwork by the Polish team focused on excavating the large basilical church (Basil-
ica IV) located some 70-80 m north of the episcopal complex excavated in 2001-2002 and separated
from it by terrain almost completely devoid of any legible architectural features [Fig. 4], A large
rectangular outline in the middle of this area, identifiable due to surprisingly rampant vegetation,
has been identified tentatively as a water reservoir (birkeh).
The generał outline of the church was traced by early 20th century surveyors and researchers,
albeit with important differences. Otto PuchsteuTs plan (Wiegand [ed.] 1932: PI.17) reflects, better
than Albert GabriePs sketch (Gabriel 1926: Fig. XVI), the character of the building, presumably
because he had dug some test trenches in the key places of the structure. Traces of trenches can
still be noted in places, especially near the apse and in the southwestern part of the building.
It is still not elear to what extent the building madę use of the walls of earlier structures, which
evidently occupied the area in the 2nd-3rd centuries AD. Below the church pavement, smali frag-
ments of ill preserved walls have been found to follow the same orientation demonstrated by other
architectural features in the ąuarter. The naturę of this predating structure has not been ascertained,
but regular domestic architecture of the same kind as in the neighboring quarters (Gawlikowski
2007) can be presumed. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that a fallen gate with a lintel preserving
a bilingual (Greek/Palmyrene) inscription honoring Septimius Severus and the imperial family
(CIS II, 3970) can still be seen in front of the building. The gate may have originally led inside a mon-
umental structure as yet unidentified, which was later replaced with the church building.
The basilica plan escaped the regularity of the Street grid. The faęade was aligned with the
"Church Street". Eight heavily eroded columns, complete with capitals and architraves, belonging
to a portico some 5.70 m deep in front of the entrance, can be seen toppled and partly submerged in
sand [Fig. 5]. The portico with the narrow stretch of paved courtyard in front of it may represent not
only an effort to enhance the monumentality of the faęade, but also to replace an atrium of the kind
observed in the case of Basilica III. Indeed, the latter structure comes in hand in understanding this
layout as an atrium, encompassing also a stretch of the adjoining Street. It appears to indicate an ini-
tial plan comprising a portico preceding the church faęade, which was later developed to its fuli
form at a later stage. At the other side, the sanctuary of the church extended well to the east,
encroaching freely onto the next parallel Street. This kind of complete rejection of the existing Street
6 For the initial idea, see Collart 1963; contra, see Kowalski 1996: 217-226.
7 The number of known churches from Palmyra is growing steadily; only four were known in the 1980s, see Starcky,
Gawlikowski 1985: 71. A large number of churches in the urban and rural landscape of Late Antiąuity is nothing un-
usual: for example, eleven churches have been identified in the otherwise smali settlement of Andarin.
8 On financing church construction in late antiąuity, see Haensch 2006. Generally on euergetism in Palmyra, see Yon 2001.
253
Studia Palmyreńskie XII
of the anti-pagan decrees of Theodosius (Gawlikowski 1983). As for the Baalshamin tempie, the tra-
ditionally accepted theory about its transformation into a church has been quesboned coiwincingly.6
In a recently undertaken survey three morę presumed church buildings were identified in var-
ious locations throughout the city [Fig. 3]. One was located directly north of Diocletian's baths
and two others were recognized, close to the tetrapylon and next to the western gate of the Great
Colonnade respectively. Although smaller in size (not exceeding some 20-22 m in length), they
nevertheless featured typical basilical plans. Ali of them appeared to be monoapsidal, three aisled
basilicas, although precise layouts are difficult to tracę due to the vestigial character of the pre-
served remains, barely rising above the present ground level. Ali in all, there are eight churches
which can now be placed on the city map.7 Similarly as in other Late Antiąue towns, the rising
number of churches is a reflection not so much óf the community's religious needs as of euergęsia
and piety of the town elites.8 The beginnings of Christianity in Palmyra are virtually unknown
but the rapid spread of the new religion is best attested by a Palmyrene bishop, Marinos, taking
part in the Council of Nicaea in AD 325 (Kowalski 1997; Kaizer 2010).
Interestingly enough, all of the churches are located in the area north of the Great Colonnade.
This feature appears to have a significant bearing on the urban evolution of the city in Late An-
tiąuity, an issue that has already been signaled. Is it accidental or does it reflect perhaps the degra-
dation, if not abandonment of the Southern part of town and the establishment of a new, Christian
center in the north?
The latest fieldwork by the Polish team focused on excavating the large basilical church (Basil-
ica IV) located some 70-80 m north of the episcopal complex excavated in 2001-2002 and separated
from it by terrain almost completely devoid of any legible architectural features [Fig. 4], A large
rectangular outline in the middle of this area, identifiable due to surprisingly rampant vegetation,
has been identified tentatively as a water reservoir (birkeh).
The generał outline of the church was traced by early 20th century surveyors and researchers,
albeit with important differences. Otto PuchsteuTs plan (Wiegand [ed.] 1932: PI.17) reflects, better
than Albert GabriePs sketch (Gabriel 1926: Fig. XVI), the character of the building, presumably
because he had dug some test trenches in the key places of the structure. Traces of trenches can
still be noted in places, especially near the apse and in the southwestern part of the building.
It is still not elear to what extent the building madę use of the walls of earlier structures, which
evidently occupied the area in the 2nd-3rd centuries AD. Below the church pavement, smali frag-
ments of ill preserved walls have been found to follow the same orientation demonstrated by other
architectural features in the ąuarter. The naturę of this predating structure has not been ascertained,
but regular domestic architecture of the same kind as in the neighboring quarters (Gawlikowski
2007) can be presumed. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that a fallen gate with a lintel preserving
a bilingual (Greek/Palmyrene) inscription honoring Septimius Severus and the imperial family
(CIS II, 3970) can still be seen in front of the building. The gate may have originally led inside a mon-
umental structure as yet unidentified, which was later replaced with the church building.
The basilica plan escaped the regularity of the Street grid. The faęade was aligned with the
"Church Street". Eight heavily eroded columns, complete with capitals and architraves, belonging
to a portico some 5.70 m deep in front of the entrance, can be seen toppled and partly submerged in
sand [Fig. 5]. The portico with the narrow stretch of paved courtyard in front of it may represent not
only an effort to enhance the monumentality of the faęade, but also to replace an atrium of the kind
observed in the case of Basilica III. Indeed, the latter structure comes in hand in understanding this
layout as an atrium, encompassing also a stretch of the adjoining Street. It appears to indicate an ini-
tial plan comprising a portico preceding the church faęade, which was later developed to its fuli
form at a later stage. At the other side, the sanctuary of the church extended well to the east,
encroaching freely onto the next parallel Street. This kind of complete rejection of the existing Street
6 For the initial idea, see Collart 1963; contra, see Kowalski 1996: 217-226.
7 The number of known churches from Palmyra is growing steadily; only four were known in the 1980s, see Starcky,
Gawlikowski 1985: 71. A large number of churches in the urban and rural landscape of Late Antiąuity is nothing un-
usual: for example, eleven churches have been identified in the otherwise smali settlement of Andarin.
8 On financing church construction in late antiąuity, see Haensch 2006. Generally on euergetism in Palmyra, see Yon 2001.
253
Studia Palmyreńskie XII