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July 19, 1879.] PUNCH, OE THE LONDON CHARIVARI. 13

PUNCH'S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.

g&ovv, asks Lord Oranmore
P| {Monday, July 7), is Irish
lit landlord shooting to be
Bp prevented, and the want
s|| supplied of sharper legal
Bp looking after the preserva-
k tion of this particular
Jgl description of game. Now
W\ H / Jt^f^lirag ren^s as we^ as lives are

\W V %xssL ^H»s^^^^^p f@^^il§i danger, what, he asked,

^^fgliSfe^s. / ^^lliKi SlSss was Government going to

^%JV ^B^fSCT^SiSitel: .J^?^^Sr/ Jinasi ■ ^° ^or ^e Pr°tection of
^ll^VV' S1^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^/M§§^ both, or either ?
• -^^N. * ^^^r^-^. "^!^/ :': The Duke of Richmond

or- ^sp^Ov said they were consulting

7^T^>-^_ <^8§^>//) ^ with the local authorities

'CS- r-- r ^x>c^^^ * ~^^^^ld££> °^ Mayo, Galway, and

"~>-r v^^^^ssa^B^^^^^^^ ntftf^y^ Roscommon, where the
^ ''' v^.^^v^^^^^T^^a^SiS^^^." • Secret Societies were'look-

AMP\ "^^^r—i^^^ ' inS up, their open defiers

0,0 'ivu t - xw, . ■— being shot down, and the

demoralising habit of pay-
ing rents strenuously discouraged. The priests had, in many places, denounced
these doctrines from the altar—following the example of the Roman-Catholic
Archbishop of Tuam—a staunch insister, Punch is glad to hear, on the distinc-
tion of meurn and tuum. But with a knot of Irish Obstructives setting the
Speaeer at defiance in the House, what chance is there of Irish constituencies
obeying the law out of it ?

{Commons.)—Latest news of Cetewayo's peaceful advances, and Lord
Chelmseore's warlike ditto. Lord Chelmseobd doesn't much believe in the
one, and John Bell does not much believe in the other. It is a most musical
campaign, what with Cetewayo's overtures on one side, and the Chelmseord
series of movements in A flat, preceded by the Ekowe fugue, on the other.

The Banking Bill is not derelict. It is only aground. The Chancellor of
the Exchequer still hopes to get it afloat again. Sanguine man!

Great Cat Show in St. Stephen's. Lour Cats exhibited in the Cloak Room—
fine specimens of the "Naval," "Marine," "Approved, "and "Prison" breeds,
distinguishable by the insertion, length, numbers, and knots, in their tails.
Mr. Parnell much concerned about the labelling of the Cats.
Mr. Smith answered for the Naval Cats, that the labels had my Lords'
sanction.

But this was not all the night was destined to hear of the Cats which of
late have made so many nights hideous.

When Colonel Stanley announced that the War Office had determined to
limit the punishment of the lash to offences now punishable with death by the
Articles of War, Mr. Chamberlain protested. He had understood on Saturday
that the Secretary for War had pledged himself to do away with the Cat alto-
gether. _ This Colonel Stanley denied, and a confused scrimmage of several
hours followed over the questions, first, what Grovernment had promised and
meant, and next, what Government had better do—whether the War Secretary's
offer was a concession, or a mockery,—whether, when the Cat was confined to
offences punishable with death, the obnoxious animal would not, in point of
fact, have rather a larger run than before.

In the course of this long and loose shindy, Mr. Chamberlain declaring his
intention of persevering in his opposition unless the Secretary of War went as
far as he had understood him to go, the Marquis of Hartington was impelled
to disclaim all responsibility for the course taken by Mr. Chamberlain and
his friends, which he said was injurious to the Liberal cause, and still more, to

the dignity of Parliament, in which Punch entirely
agrees.

This brought up Mr. Chamberlain, who referred to
Lord Hartington as "the late Leader of the Liberal
Party"—on which Mr. Fawcett sharply lectured Mr.
Chamberlain, and Sir Charles Dilee stoutly defended
him. Ultimately, a Motion to report progress was nega-
tived by 250 to 36, which probably measures very fairly
the strength of Mr. Chamberlain's Intransigente fol-
lowing with the Irish Obstructive element thrown in.

Altogether, Punch wishes he could draw a curtain
over the night's records. Even if the banishment of the
Cat from the Army and Navy be a consummation devoutly
to be wished in the interests of humanity, as many
Liberals think, for the credit and popularity of the
Services, it is impossible to imagine a good end forwarded
in a more objectionable way, or one likelier to redound to
the damage of the Liberal Party.

If the tactics of the Irish Obstructives are to be
tolerated, still more imitated, legislation will become
impossible and aU respect for Parliament out-of-doors
must come to an end. Whatever may be said against the
offhandedness and flippancy of a few Jacks in Office, the
behaviour of Messrs. Callan, Parnell, O'Donnell, and
O'Connor Power, is such as no self-respecting legisla-
tive assembly can tolerate. If the House can't check it,
it had better shut up shop, and write over the door—
" Closed, for repairs in the machinery."

Tuesday {Lords).-—On Second Reading of Irish Uni-
versity Education Bill, Lord Kimberley showed that
Roman-Catholic Ireland had a grievance—viz., that the
vast majority of the Irish population had no University
Education they could avail themselves of—and that the
Bill did not meet it. What was wanted was payment for
results without reference to the place of education. With-
out that the Bill was a mockery.

Lord Cranbrook declined to enter into the question
of grants. In other words, he wants the other side to
play the money card.

Lord O'Hagan said the line to take was the line they
had taken with Intermediate Education last year. This
measure, without endowment or grants, was an abortion
—a plum-pudding without the plums. But it might be
amended, by putting in the plums—meaning the money-
clauses.

Lord Spencer said very much the same thing, speaking
from his experience as an Irish Viceroy. So did Lord

powerscoert.

Lord Salisbury said the R,oman Catholics wanted an
Endowment. England would not give them one. There
was the difficulty.

Lord Granville said there ivas the difficulty, and this
Bill did not meet it. The Government said they could
not propose Endowments, but they said nothing about
grants.

The Lord Chancellor admitted the difficulty—but
suggested no way out of it.

So the Bill was read a Second Time, with a consensus,
that if it is to be made acceptable to Ireland '' money
must be put into it."

Only the Government shrinks from this in the presence
of strong anti-papal prejudices among its rank and file,
and hopes to throw the odium of proposing anything of
the_ kind on the Opposition. Never was anything
plainer, or more pitiable, or less promising.

{Commons.)—Morning Sitting.—A Mr. Grisell has
been offering to buy up the opinion of a Select Committee.
He is to be examined by a Select Committee. Oh, 'tis a
joy to see the engineer hoist with his own petard.

'' Grisell ! " The name reminds one of a firm once
much in the public mouth — "Grisell and Peto."
This is " Grisell and Petit," who may get more than
Mr. G. meant to bargain for.

In Committee on Army Discipline Bill, several clauses
got through in comparative quiet. House penitent, or
headachy, after last night's debauch.

Mr. Sampson Lloyd snatched a vote against the Go-
vernment, by 76 to 56, for putting Commerce and Agri-
culture under a distinct department, with a Secretary of
State and Cabinet Minister at the head of it. A slap in
the face for Lord B., half a fluke half a farce, for all
that is likely to come of it at present. Still, if ever th.3
wheelwork of Government came to be overhauled, the
vote may be referred to.

Wednesday.—Mr. Stevenson brought in his English
Sunday Closing Act—sequel to the Irish ditto. "Thus

vol. lxxylt.

c
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Punch, 77.1879, July 19, 1879, S. 13
 
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