DOI Page / Citation link:
https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16864#0010
Yol. XXXVII.]
INTRODUCTION.
[July to December, 1859.
PAGE
principle which I have laid down ? I rejoice, my Lords, to find that such is not
the case. But while this is a matter for congratulation, I regret to be obliged
to say that we do not stand well upon the continent of Europe. I do not
think late events have improved our position in that respect. But I go
further, my Lords, and express my belief, as the result of my own careful
(bservation, that if any plausible ground of difference should arise between
this country and France, and that difference should lead to hostilities, the
declaration” of war with England on the part of the Government of that
country would be hailed with the utmost enthusiasm, not only by the army
of France, but by the great mass of the French people.” If I am asked
“ Will you not rely upon the assurances, and the courtesy of the Emperor
Napoleon ? ” I reply, that I have a great respect for that high person, and
that I will not enter into any explanation on this subject, but will leave
every noble Lord to draw his own conclusions, and to form his own opinions.
This, however, I will say, and I can say it without impropriety. If I am
asked, “ whether I cannot place reliance in the Emperor Napoleon ? ” I reply
with confidence, that I cannot place reliance in him, because he is in a
situation in which he cannot place reliance on himself. He is in a situation
in which he must be governed by circumstances, and I will not consent that
the safety of this country should depend on such contingencies. My Lords,
self-reliance is the best road to distinction in private life. It is equally
essential to the character and to the grandeur of a nation. It will be neces-
sary for our defence, as I have already stated, that we should have a military
force sufficient to cope with any Power or combination of Powers that may
be brought against us.’ ”
To this speech Mr. Bright made a most unbecoming reply,
and Lord Lyndhurst afterwards took occasion to explain his
reasons for having called public attention to the subject of our
defences. As to the charge of age, and of being an old Peer,
he pleaded guilty, and at the same time he duly acknowledged
the power of the sarcasm, so pointed, so keen, so bitter, and j
so creditable to the taste and talents of the Hon. Member wh°
had made so extraordinary a discovery. As to the charge of
making remarks calculated to wound the susceptibility of a
neighbouring nation, nothing was further from his intention,
which was only to arouse this country to the necessity of
putting its defences in an efficient state. It might be the
policy of some private individuals, when one cheek was smitten,
to turn the other cheek to the smiter, bat such was not his
feeling, nor ought it to be that of a great nation.
The measures adopted in favour of the Volunteer movement
and the consideration of Church-rates, Revision of the
Liturgy, Indian Finance, and other measures, are all referred
to in the “ Essence of Parliament,” and we shall therefore
occupy our limited space by a summary of the War in Italy
and its results, to which constant reference is made in the
present Volume.
A remarkable speech of the Emperor Xapoleon, addressed
to M. Hubner, the Austrian Minister, on the 1st of January,
1859, was the first indication of the coming storm. “ I regret,”
he said, “ that our relations with your Government are not so
good as they have been hitherto ; but I beg you to assure the
Emperor that my personal feelings towards him are not
changed.” The Moniteur endeavoured subsequently to allay
the popular excitement by declaring there was nothing in the
diplomatic relations of France to cause anxiety. The speech
of the King of Sardinia, however, indicated that the en-
croachments of Austria would have to be resisted, and the
marriage of Prince Xapoleon to the Princess Clotilde
pointed to another alliance in the hour of need. A circular to
the diplomatic agents of Austria from Count Buol stimulated
the Sardinian Chambers to authorise a loan of fifty millions.
Signor Lanz^, the Minister of Finance, having stated that
the extraordinary armaments of Austria in the Lombardo-
Yenetian kingdom and along the frontier of the Po and Ticino,
together with the distribution and concentration of troops in
strong masses at Cremona, Piacenza, and Pavia, made it the
duty of the King’s Government to take precaution for the
security and honour of the country. Statements of grievances
against Austria, and counter-statements by that Power, were
PAGE
put forth, and Count Cavour excited the admiration of Europe
by his manly, eloquent and patriotic address to the Chambers.
The Emperor Napoleon, on the opening of the French
Chambers, declared that his continued desire was to adhere to
his declaration at Bordeaux, that “ VEmpire e'est la paix; ”
and, after congratulating the nation on the friendly alliance
with this country, added, “The Cabinet of Vienna and mine,
on the contrary, I say it with regret, have often found them-
selves at variance on questions of principle, and a great spirit
of conciliation was required to succeed in solving them.
Thus, for instance, the reorganisation of the Danubian Princi-
palities could only be effected after numerous difficulties, which
have hindered the full satisfaction of their most legitimate
desires ; and if I were asked what interest France has in those
distant countries which the Danube waters, I should reply
that the interest of France is every where where there is a just
and civilising cause to promote,
“ In this state of things, there is nothing extraordinary
that France should draw closer to Piedmont, which had been
so devoted during the war, so faithful to our policy during
peace. The happy union of my well-beloved cousin Prince
Napoleon with the daughter of King Victor-Emmanuel is
not one of those unusual events for which one must seek some
hidden reason, but the natural consequence of the community
of interests of the two countries, and of the friendship of the
two Sovereigns.
“ For some time past the state of Italy and her abnormal
position, where order cannot be maintained except by foreign
troops, has justly disquieted diplomacy. This is, however,
not a sufficient motive for believing in war. Let some invoke
it with all their hearts, without legitimate reasons ; let others,
in their exaggerated fears, amuse themselves by showing to
France the dangers of a new coalition ; I shall remain firm in
the path of right and justice, and of the national honour ; and
my Government will not allow itself either to drift or to fear,
because my policy will never be provoking nor pusillanimous.
“ Away then with these false alarms, these unjust suspi-
cions, these interested apprehensions ! Peace, I hope, will not
be disturbed. Resume, then, calmly the usual course of your
labours.”
Mr. Punch did not place implicit faith in this statement;
and subsequent events proved the correctness of his foresight.
The English Government attempted to mediate between the
parties, and Russia proposed a Congress, but Prussia pursued
an independent policy. On the 23rd of April, Baron de
Kellers, being aide-de-camp to the Austrian General,
Gyulai, arrived in Turin with a summons from Austria,
calling upon Sardinia to disarm. To this peremptory demand
Count Cavour returned an animated reply, and the next
day King Victor-Emmanuel issued a proclamation to his
troops, announcing the insulting demand which Austria had
made, and which he had rejected with the contempt it de-
served. At the same time another proclamation was addressed
to the Italians, countersigned by Cavour, and the advanced
posts of the Austrian Army crossed the Ticino on the 26th of
April, and were shortly followed by the whole five corps
d'armee, which step called forth a strong protest from
England. Similar expressions of dissent were issued by the
Emperor of the French, and on the 10th of May he reached
Genoa, where he was joined by Victor-Emmanuel. The
battle of Montebello soon followed, and the Austrians retired
across the Ticino. The sanguinary fight at Magenta succeeded,
the Austrians were again defeated after a brave resistance,
INTRODUCTION.
[July to December, 1859.
PAGE
principle which I have laid down ? I rejoice, my Lords, to find that such is not
the case. But while this is a matter for congratulation, I regret to be obliged
to say that we do not stand well upon the continent of Europe. I do not
think late events have improved our position in that respect. But I go
further, my Lords, and express my belief, as the result of my own careful
(bservation, that if any plausible ground of difference should arise between
this country and France, and that difference should lead to hostilities, the
declaration” of war with England on the part of the Government of that
country would be hailed with the utmost enthusiasm, not only by the army
of France, but by the great mass of the French people.” If I am asked
“ Will you not rely upon the assurances, and the courtesy of the Emperor
Napoleon ? ” I reply, that I have a great respect for that high person, and
that I will not enter into any explanation on this subject, but will leave
every noble Lord to draw his own conclusions, and to form his own opinions.
This, however, I will say, and I can say it without impropriety. If I am
asked, “ whether I cannot place reliance in the Emperor Napoleon ? ” I reply
with confidence, that I cannot place reliance in him, because he is in a
situation in which he cannot place reliance on himself. He is in a situation
in which he must be governed by circumstances, and I will not consent that
the safety of this country should depend on such contingencies. My Lords,
self-reliance is the best road to distinction in private life. It is equally
essential to the character and to the grandeur of a nation. It will be neces-
sary for our defence, as I have already stated, that we should have a military
force sufficient to cope with any Power or combination of Powers that may
be brought against us.’ ”
To this speech Mr. Bright made a most unbecoming reply,
and Lord Lyndhurst afterwards took occasion to explain his
reasons for having called public attention to the subject of our
defences. As to the charge of age, and of being an old Peer,
he pleaded guilty, and at the same time he duly acknowledged
the power of the sarcasm, so pointed, so keen, so bitter, and j
so creditable to the taste and talents of the Hon. Member wh°
had made so extraordinary a discovery. As to the charge of
making remarks calculated to wound the susceptibility of a
neighbouring nation, nothing was further from his intention,
which was only to arouse this country to the necessity of
putting its defences in an efficient state. It might be the
policy of some private individuals, when one cheek was smitten,
to turn the other cheek to the smiter, bat such was not his
feeling, nor ought it to be that of a great nation.
The measures adopted in favour of the Volunteer movement
and the consideration of Church-rates, Revision of the
Liturgy, Indian Finance, and other measures, are all referred
to in the “ Essence of Parliament,” and we shall therefore
occupy our limited space by a summary of the War in Italy
and its results, to which constant reference is made in the
present Volume.
A remarkable speech of the Emperor Xapoleon, addressed
to M. Hubner, the Austrian Minister, on the 1st of January,
1859, was the first indication of the coming storm. “ I regret,”
he said, “ that our relations with your Government are not so
good as they have been hitherto ; but I beg you to assure the
Emperor that my personal feelings towards him are not
changed.” The Moniteur endeavoured subsequently to allay
the popular excitement by declaring there was nothing in the
diplomatic relations of France to cause anxiety. The speech
of the King of Sardinia, however, indicated that the en-
croachments of Austria would have to be resisted, and the
marriage of Prince Xapoleon to the Princess Clotilde
pointed to another alliance in the hour of need. A circular to
the diplomatic agents of Austria from Count Buol stimulated
the Sardinian Chambers to authorise a loan of fifty millions.
Signor Lanz^, the Minister of Finance, having stated that
the extraordinary armaments of Austria in the Lombardo-
Yenetian kingdom and along the frontier of the Po and Ticino,
together with the distribution and concentration of troops in
strong masses at Cremona, Piacenza, and Pavia, made it the
duty of the King’s Government to take precaution for the
security and honour of the country. Statements of grievances
against Austria, and counter-statements by that Power, were
PAGE
put forth, and Count Cavour excited the admiration of Europe
by his manly, eloquent and patriotic address to the Chambers.
The Emperor Napoleon, on the opening of the French
Chambers, declared that his continued desire was to adhere to
his declaration at Bordeaux, that “ VEmpire e'est la paix; ”
and, after congratulating the nation on the friendly alliance
with this country, added, “The Cabinet of Vienna and mine,
on the contrary, I say it with regret, have often found them-
selves at variance on questions of principle, and a great spirit
of conciliation was required to succeed in solving them.
Thus, for instance, the reorganisation of the Danubian Princi-
palities could only be effected after numerous difficulties, which
have hindered the full satisfaction of their most legitimate
desires ; and if I were asked what interest France has in those
distant countries which the Danube waters, I should reply
that the interest of France is every where where there is a just
and civilising cause to promote,
“ In this state of things, there is nothing extraordinary
that France should draw closer to Piedmont, which had been
so devoted during the war, so faithful to our policy during
peace. The happy union of my well-beloved cousin Prince
Napoleon with the daughter of King Victor-Emmanuel is
not one of those unusual events for which one must seek some
hidden reason, but the natural consequence of the community
of interests of the two countries, and of the friendship of the
two Sovereigns.
“ For some time past the state of Italy and her abnormal
position, where order cannot be maintained except by foreign
troops, has justly disquieted diplomacy. This is, however,
not a sufficient motive for believing in war. Let some invoke
it with all their hearts, without legitimate reasons ; let others,
in their exaggerated fears, amuse themselves by showing to
France the dangers of a new coalition ; I shall remain firm in
the path of right and justice, and of the national honour ; and
my Government will not allow itself either to drift or to fear,
because my policy will never be provoking nor pusillanimous.
“ Away then with these false alarms, these unjust suspi-
cions, these interested apprehensions ! Peace, I hope, will not
be disturbed. Resume, then, calmly the usual course of your
labours.”
Mr. Punch did not place implicit faith in this statement;
and subsequent events proved the correctness of his foresight.
The English Government attempted to mediate between the
parties, and Russia proposed a Congress, but Prussia pursued
an independent policy. On the 23rd of April, Baron de
Kellers, being aide-de-camp to the Austrian General,
Gyulai, arrived in Turin with a summons from Austria,
calling upon Sardinia to disarm. To this peremptory demand
Count Cavour returned an animated reply, and the next
day King Victor-Emmanuel issued a proclamation to his
troops, announcing the insulting demand which Austria had
made, and which he had rejected with the contempt it de-
served. At the same time another proclamation was addressed
to the Italians, countersigned by Cavour, and the advanced
posts of the Austrian Army crossed the Ticino on the 26th of
April, and were shortly followed by the whole five corps
d'armee, which step called forth a strong protest from
England. Similar expressions of dissent were issued by the
Emperor of the French, and on the 10th of May he reached
Genoa, where he was joined by Victor-Emmanuel. The
battle of Montebello soon followed, and the Austrians retired
across the Ticino. The sanguinary fight at Magenta succeeded,
the Austrians were again defeated after a brave resistance,