DOI Heft:
March 14, 1868
DOI Seite / Zitierlink: https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.16881#0117
Maech h, 1868.] PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI. 1(»
PUNCH’S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
N Thursday, March %th, 1868, Ben-
jamin Disraeli entered the House
of Commons, amid cheering, Premier
of England.
There was not much to be said, no
political complications having caused
the change in the Ministry—so far as
the public yet knows. It is notorious
that Lord Derby’s health made it
necessary for him to retire. Whether
Mr. Disraeli designed the shaping
any august decree which seemed too
august for the Earl, may hereafter
appear. The new Premier had
simply to bear a fitting tribute to the
genius, energy, and (young people)
industry of the late Premier, and to
refer to his brilliant perception and
fiery eloquence. As regarded Mr.
Disraeli’s accession to office, he
knew that in his position there were
personal and peculiar reasons which
would aggravate the burden and aug-
ment the difficulties. People can in-
terpret these words as they please.
Those who give them a significance
connected with birth, and who have
intelligence enough to take a large view of pedigree, may note
that they were uttered by a man descended from one of the
Hebrew families expelled from Spain by the Inquisition, and who
settled in Venice as merchants. The Premier’s grandfather, who was
therefore Italian, came to England, and his sod, Isaac Disraeli, a
retired gentleman of Buckinghamshire, was the author of the series of
subtle literary and historical researches, of which the Curiosities is best
known, but all of which are delightful to scholarly minds. Lord
Lytton observes in a note to one of his earlier works, that when he
was contesting an election, somebody took an objection to him as a
new man. “ Well, if pedigree be of any consequence in politics, Mr.
Bulwer’s family is about three times as old as that of his opponent.”
“ Is it possible, Sir ?—it can’t be—Mr. Bulwer is—an author.” Add
Captain Bunsby's formula, and we have done with that part of the
business.
Mr. Disraeli stated that he had enjoyed twenty years of confiden-
tial co-operation with Lord Derby, and had succeeded to his policy.
Our Foreign Policy is to be that of Peace, not of selfish isolation,
but of sympathy both with the prosperities and the troubles of other
j nations.
Our Domestic Policy is to be Liberal—a truly liberal policy. "We
are not to shrink from requisite changes, but we are not to forget that
we dwell in an ancient and historic country, rich in the traditions that
are the best security for order and liberty.
Ireland, a most interesting and important portion of the kingdom,
has still to be protected, by the Suspension, against an unprincipled
foreign confederation. But he believed that agitations were dis-
appearing. He would not fritter away the interest felt in regard to
the intentions of Government as to Ireland, as they would be explained
by Lord Mayo in the coming Irish debate. He added, that some
time had been lost this Session, but he should work as hard as he
could, and should also do all he could to facilitate the promotion of
measures on the other side.
Amid the cheers which followed, up bounded the bouncing
Bouverie.
What do you mean by a policy ? Last year’s, or the year before last ?
Are you educating your party, or is its education complete ? You are
fairly entitled to your own position. But you have no majority. In
Lord Derby the key-stone of your arch is gone. It is the fault of the
Liberals that you are in power. The Liberals are little better than a
Babble, with a great man in front. Last year you yielded to mob dic-
tation. You were afraid to hang the Irish rebels, All this is uncon-
stitutional. You will come to grief. You ought to have made a
Coalition Ministry out of the best materials. Can’t we unite on any-
thing F Are we to fight over the Irish Church ? Are we not agreed
about land, all of us except Mr. Mill, who would atone for three con-
fiscations by a fourth? Public interests are suffering by the neglect of'
necessary measures. There!
Sir George Bowyer thought that really this was not the way to
behave to a new Minister. As to a rabble, the time had passed for
blind following of leadership. If Government did its duty, it would be
supported, regardless of majorities.
There ended the opening chapter in the history of the Disraeli
Ministry.
Before leading our readers to the foot of the gallows, it may be con-
venient to take them into the House of Peers.
The Earl oe Malmesbury, who is to be—don’t laugh—the leader
in the Peers, began by explaining that he had been inaccurately
reported as having said that Mr. Disraeli was to make a Ministry
“if possible.” What he had said was, “as soon as possible.” The
Earl is a gentleman, and the explanation was enough. But he must
add that it was “ a very natural mistake.’’ Did he mean that it was
natural for people to believe that he was likely to think that Tory
Peers would not fall into their ranks under Mr. Disraeli’s leader-
ship ? The rest of his speech was formal, but he promised an early ;
Education Bill.
Earl Russell could not help saying that he had no confidence in a
Government that openly professed to say one thing and. mean another.
He used the word deception, and contended that he might have used a
different word.
The Duke of Marlborough had not the least idea what the noble
Earl could mean.
Earl Bussell would tell him, then. Would he read his Chief’s
Edinburgh Speech about educating his party, to consent to what he
had been for years calling a degradation of the Franchise. Fox,
Grey, Althorp, would have scorned such a course, and so would
Pitt, Liverpool, and Wellington.
“ The subject then dropped.”
The last word naturally suggests a drop of another kind. In the
Commons, Mr. Hardy moved, the Second Beading of the Bill enacting
Private Executions.
Serjeant Gaselee said that it was a poor man’s question, and that.
if a poor man were to be hanged, he had a right to be hanged in
public. He moved the rejection of the Bill.
Sir George Bowyer seconded this, thinking that the sight of an
execution was very deterrent from crime.
Mr. Gilpin opposed the Bill, and quoted Mr. Cobden, who was
said to have likened the proposed practice to private assassination.
After a short debate,
Mr. M'Claren (Edinburgh) supported the Bill, and begged that
Scotchmen might share with Englishmen the advantage of being
privately hanged.
The Lord Advocate promised this boon, and on division, the
Second Beading was carried by 181 to 25.
The Premier moved the Second Reading of the Election Bribery
Bill, which had been so unfavourably received. He now proposes
that two real judges. Judges of the Land, shall be detached, as it were,
from the main body of the army of justice, and sent, on full salaries, to
the places accused of corruption. Of course, new Judges will be
appointed in their place.
Mr. Gladstone thought this a very great improvement, and would
not oppose the Second Reading, reserving his right of consideration.
Lord Lorne took his seat for Argyllshire. We mention this to
flash off a quotation from Walter Scott. Mr. Bruce was already
in the House. Suppose they debated education :—
“ Short were their shrift in that Debate,
That hour of fury and of fate,
Had Lorne eueountered Bruce.”
Friday. The son of the inventor of that delightful article, the Shrap-
nell shell, petitioned the Lords for a national reward. Government
replied that, the shell was valuable, but as the inventor had £1200
a year for 28 years, and £10,000 from the East India Company, there
would be no more shelling out.
In the Commons there was a very good debate on the Alabama busi-
ness. Mr. Shaw Lefevre gave an elaborate history of the case, and
Lord Stanley replied in his best manner. Mr. Forster and Mr.
Mill spoke, and so did Mr. Gladstone, who said that he did not
wonder that the Americans thought themselves wronged, but that if
we go before the Arbitrator, we ought to be prepared to contend that
we had done no wrong, but that whatever miscarriage might have
occurred was accidental. This delivery of Mr. Gladstone’s is carped
at by those who want us to humble ourselves before the North, because
it has been successful; but Mr. Gladstone represents the feeling of j
the nation. We are sorry to have wounded the Americans, and they
know it; but, we having said that, and being ready to pay for broken
windows, the matter should be closed. It is satisfactory to be told by
Lord Stanley that good-feeling towards us is increasing in America,
and that Mr. Seward inclines to a new mode by which our differences
may be adjusted.
A small wrangle as to the day on which the Irish Reform Bill should
be introduced. The Premier said that it was for him to fix the order
of business, and Mr. Gladstone said that the Irish Reform Bill was
part of the Government scheme for Ireland, and ought to be forth-
coming at once. But Mr. Disraeli would not give way.
A GRAND INVENTION.
“Educational Pianofortes” are advertised. The most suitable
piece for performance on these instructive instruments will be—the
March of Intellect.
PUNCH’S ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
N Thursday, March %th, 1868, Ben-
jamin Disraeli entered the House
of Commons, amid cheering, Premier
of England.
There was not much to be said, no
political complications having caused
the change in the Ministry—so far as
the public yet knows. It is notorious
that Lord Derby’s health made it
necessary for him to retire. Whether
Mr. Disraeli designed the shaping
any august decree which seemed too
august for the Earl, may hereafter
appear. The new Premier had
simply to bear a fitting tribute to the
genius, energy, and (young people)
industry of the late Premier, and to
refer to his brilliant perception and
fiery eloquence. As regarded Mr.
Disraeli’s accession to office, he
knew that in his position there were
personal and peculiar reasons which
would aggravate the burden and aug-
ment the difficulties. People can in-
terpret these words as they please.
Those who give them a significance
connected with birth, and who have
intelligence enough to take a large view of pedigree, may note
that they were uttered by a man descended from one of the
Hebrew families expelled from Spain by the Inquisition, and who
settled in Venice as merchants. The Premier’s grandfather, who was
therefore Italian, came to England, and his sod, Isaac Disraeli, a
retired gentleman of Buckinghamshire, was the author of the series of
subtle literary and historical researches, of which the Curiosities is best
known, but all of which are delightful to scholarly minds. Lord
Lytton observes in a note to one of his earlier works, that when he
was contesting an election, somebody took an objection to him as a
new man. “ Well, if pedigree be of any consequence in politics, Mr.
Bulwer’s family is about three times as old as that of his opponent.”
“ Is it possible, Sir ?—it can’t be—Mr. Bulwer is—an author.” Add
Captain Bunsby's formula, and we have done with that part of the
business.
Mr. Disraeli stated that he had enjoyed twenty years of confiden-
tial co-operation with Lord Derby, and had succeeded to his policy.
Our Foreign Policy is to be that of Peace, not of selfish isolation,
but of sympathy both with the prosperities and the troubles of other
j nations.
Our Domestic Policy is to be Liberal—a truly liberal policy. "We
are not to shrink from requisite changes, but we are not to forget that
we dwell in an ancient and historic country, rich in the traditions that
are the best security for order and liberty.
Ireland, a most interesting and important portion of the kingdom,
has still to be protected, by the Suspension, against an unprincipled
foreign confederation. But he believed that agitations were dis-
appearing. He would not fritter away the interest felt in regard to
the intentions of Government as to Ireland, as they would be explained
by Lord Mayo in the coming Irish debate. He added, that some
time had been lost this Session, but he should work as hard as he
could, and should also do all he could to facilitate the promotion of
measures on the other side.
Amid the cheers which followed, up bounded the bouncing
Bouverie.
What do you mean by a policy ? Last year’s, or the year before last ?
Are you educating your party, or is its education complete ? You are
fairly entitled to your own position. But you have no majority. In
Lord Derby the key-stone of your arch is gone. It is the fault of the
Liberals that you are in power. The Liberals are little better than a
Babble, with a great man in front. Last year you yielded to mob dic-
tation. You were afraid to hang the Irish rebels, All this is uncon-
stitutional. You will come to grief. You ought to have made a
Coalition Ministry out of the best materials. Can’t we unite on any-
thing F Are we to fight over the Irish Church ? Are we not agreed
about land, all of us except Mr. Mill, who would atone for three con-
fiscations by a fourth? Public interests are suffering by the neglect of'
necessary measures. There!
Sir George Bowyer thought that really this was not the way to
behave to a new Minister. As to a rabble, the time had passed for
blind following of leadership. If Government did its duty, it would be
supported, regardless of majorities.
There ended the opening chapter in the history of the Disraeli
Ministry.
Before leading our readers to the foot of the gallows, it may be con-
venient to take them into the House of Peers.
The Earl oe Malmesbury, who is to be—don’t laugh—the leader
in the Peers, began by explaining that he had been inaccurately
reported as having said that Mr. Disraeli was to make a Ministry
“if possible.” What he had said was, “as soon as possible.” The
Earl is a gentleman, and the explanation was enough. But he must
add that it was “ a very natural mistake.’’ Did he mean that it was
natural for people to believe that he was likely to think that Tory
Peers would not fall into their ranks under Mr. Disraeli’s leader-
ship ? The rest of his speech was formal, but he promised an early ;
Education Bill.
Earl Russell could not help saying that he had no confidence in a
Government that openly professed to say one thing and. mean another.
He used the word deception, and contended that he might have used a
different word.
The Duke of Marlborough had not the least idea what the noble
Earl could mean.
Earl Bussell would tell him, then. Would he read his Chief’s
Edinburgh Speech about educating his party, to consent to what he
had been for years calling a degradation of the Franchise. Fox,
Grey, Althorp, would have scorned such a course, and so would
Pitt, Liverpool, and Wellington.
“ The subject then dropped.”
The last word naturally suggests a drop of another kind. In the
Commons, Mr. Hardy moved, the Second Beading of the Bill enacting
Private Executions.
Serjeant Gaselee said that it was a poor man’s question, and that.
if a poor man were to be hanged, he had a right to be hanged in
public. He moved the rejection of the Bill.
Sir George Bowyer seconded this, thinking that the sight of an
execution was very deterrent from crime.
Mr. Gilpin opposed the Bill, and quoted Mr. Cobden, who was
said to have likened the proposed practice to private assassination.
After a short debate,
Mr. M'Claren (Edinburgh) supported the Bill, and begged that
Scotchmen might share with Englishmen the advantage of being
privately hanged.
The Lord Advocate promised this boon, and on division, the
Second Beading was carried by 181 to 25.
The Premier moved the Second Reading of the Election Bribery
Bill, which had been so unfavourably received. He now proposes
that two real judges. Judges of the Land, shall be detached, as it were,
from the main body of the army of justice, and sent, on full salaries, to
the places accused of corruption. Of course, new Judges will be
appointed in their place.
Mr. Gladstone thought this a very great improvement, and would
not oppose the Second Reading, reserving his right of consideration.
Lord Lorne took his seat for Argyllshire. We mention this to
flash off a quotation from Walter Scott. Mr. Bruce was already
in the House. Suppose they debated education :—
“ Short were their shrift in that Debate,
That hour of fury and of fate,
Had Lorne eueountered Bruce.”
Friday. The son of the inventor of that delightful article, the Shrap-
nell shell, petitioned the Lords for a national reward. Government
replied that, the shell was valuable, but as the inventor had £1200
a year for 28 years, and £10,000 from the East India Company, there
would be no more shelling out.
In the Commons there was a very good debate on the Alabama busi-
ness. Mr. Shaw Lefevre gave an elaborate history of the case, and
Lord Stanley replied in his best manner. Mr. Forster and Mr.
Mill spoke, and so did Mr. Gladstone, who said that he did not
wonder that the Americans thought themselves wronged, but that if
we go before the Arbitrator, we ought to be prepared to contend that
we had done no wrong, but that whatever miscarriage might have
occurred was accidental. This delivery of Mr. Gladstone’s is carped
at by those who want us to humble ourselves before the North, because
it has been successful; but Mr. Gladstone represents the feeling of j
the nation. We are sorry to have wounded the Americans, and they
know it; but, we having said that, and being ready to pay for broken
windows, the matter should be closed. It is satisfactory to be told by
Lord Stanley that good-feeling towards us is increasing in America,
and that Mr. Seward inclines to a new mode by which our differences
may be adjusted.
A small wrangle as to the day on which the Irish Reform Bill should
be introduced. The Premier said that it was for him to fix the order
of business, and Mr. Gladstone said that the Irish Reform Bill was
part of the Government scheme for Ireland, and ought to be forth-
coming at once. But Mr. Disraeli would not give way.
A GRAND INVENTION.
“Educational Pianofortes” are advertised. The most suitable
piece for performance on these instructive instruments will be—the
March of Intellect.