PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.
[August 3, 1878.
NATURAL INFERENCE.
Juvenile (to Old Paickins, who isn't "at home'1'1 with Children). "Ain't you
going to Dance ? "
Paickins (doinghis best). "Well, my Boy—ah—yaas—eh—no—I think-"
Juvenile. "I s'pposb you've come for a regular 'Stodge' at the
Suiter m »
the Lord Chancellor's answer made darkness darker. Who are Her
Majesty's subjects in Cyprus ? "Will the island he Turkish or English—under
Turkish Law or English ?
[Commons.)— In answer to Sir ~W. Harcourt, the Attorney-General threw
as much darkness on the subject of Cypriote Law and administration as the Lord
Chancellor.
The Viceroy of India being empowered to muzzle the Vernacular Press, by
deposit of caution-money liable to summary forfeiture after warning, such
forfeiture to be followed by suppression of the offending journal on repetition of
offence, should not Parliament be kept informed whenever the muzzle is clapped
on ?
So asks Mr. Gladstone, in a speech of studied moderation. John Bull does
not like the gag. His experience tells him that the good of a free Press, with
any inconveniences it may have, incalculably outweighs its evils. He does
not believe that to drive diseases in—political or bodily—is the best way to get
rid of them, and he feels that the first condition for removing discontent is
to give it free expression. Indian law already gives power to deal with
seditious writings. Surely that is all that is wanted. At all events if the gag
is to be used in India, let those who put it on feel they do so under the eye of
Parliament.
Mr. O'Donnell moved a superfluous amendment saying the same thing in
more offensive terms.
Mr. Gorst could not see any justification for any distinction in the treat-
ment of the British and Vernacular Press in India.
Sir G. Campdell owned himself in a hobble. If he had as clear an opinion
on the matter as Mr. Gladstone, he would have wound up with a stronger
Motion, lhere was a great deal to be said for and against the summary powers
given by the new law. So Sir George gave the House three-quarters of an
hour s see-saw between the pro and con. of the matter.
Mr. Smollett pitched savagely, after his manner, into the administration of
India and the British Press there, which he described as infinitely more pestilent
than the Vernacular.
Mr. Gathorne Hardy supported the Viceroy's Act,
Mr. Shaw Lefevre laughed the inflated nonsense of the Vernacular Press to
scorn. He would not strain law to silence bosh and bombast.
Mr. Fawcett blamed the Act, and still more the way
it had been forced on the Indian Council.
Mr. E. Stanhope, for the India Office, hopedrthe Act
would be kept in terrorem, like a rod hung on the wall,
to frighten the Vernacular Press-gang into goodj_be-
haviour.
Sir H. James condemned the hurry with which the
Act had been passed in Tndia and approved at Home;
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised that
the Indian Government should be instructed to keep the
Home Government informed of all proceedings under
this Act, as. Lord Ckanbrook has, in fact, already
intimated to Lord Lytton.
This in effect was equivalent to carrying Mr. Glad-
stone's Motion, which was formally disposed of by a
division of 208 to 152. The minority should have been
160, but for eight blunderers who got into the wrong
lobby.
Wednesday.—A close day's work on Cattle Disease and
Roads. Hard labour for such weather.
Thursday (Lords).—Their Lordships cordially con-
curred in making handsome marriage provision for Prince
Arthur and his fair bride, the daughter of the Red Prince,
whom Lord Beaconsfield, in a happy hymeneal oration
described as '' distinguished for intelligence and ac-
complishments, and for a winning simplicity of thought
and manner." Eor the Duke's character he appealed to
their Lordships.
" He sits among us as a Peer. He is known to the country
for his spotless life, and he is devoted to a noble profession. Ho
is not a soldier of parade, but of service. On a recent occasion,
when the terrible contingency of war seemed to be hovering over
the country, the Duke of Connaught was the first to express
his hope that he might be allowed to be sent forth to defend
the honour and the interests of his country."
The marriage, he said, was " a union of the heart and
the affections."
Prosit.'—says Punch, and begs to drink the health of
the charming young couple in an iced cup of a coolness in
inverse proportion to his loyalty.
(Commons.)—Less unanimous in its loyalty, the Lower
House mustered a few Intransigentes to protest against
the grant of the £15,000 which it is proposed to add to
Prince Arthur's £10,000. The recalcitrants were led
by the stern Baronet of Chelsea—Sir Charles of that
Dilke—who thus avenges himself for the handle tacked
by Royal favour to his name.
He contended, on an elaborate review of precedents,
that there was no instance of holding out the Crown for a
marriage portion—except in the case of marriages in a
manner forced to raise Royal issue—till the present
reign.
But, as was pointed out both by the leaders of the
Government and the Opposition, backed by Mr. Glad-
stone, the precedents did not apply. The present ar-
rangement by which the Queen comes to her Parliament
for what she wants is the best for both. The allowance
now asked for the Duke of Connaught is the same as
was granted to the Duke of Edinburgh. The country
can afford the money ; the Prince wants it; the Queen
can't provide it out of the Civil List; and when that
was settled, it was a bargain that allowances to the
Royal Family should be given as required.
Sir Charles found only 33 to follow his lead into the
lobby against 320—10 to 1 as nearly as possible—long
odds, but not longer than the odds in favour of loyalty to
Royalty in the House, and out of it.
Then much way was made with the phenomenal Irish
Intermediate Education Bill—the one measure, as Major
Nolan pathetically pointed out, on which the Irish
Members had been of one mind during the Session.
Almost as strange, they have been of one mind with the
Government. The Government opens the advantages of
the Act to girls. A queer trio—Mr. E. Jenkins, Mr.
JSTewdegate, and Mr. F. Courtney disturbed the har-
mony of the evening.
Friday (Lords).—Rehearsal of next week's work in
the Commons. The Government "heckled" by the
Opposition.
First, Lord Granville, on the authority of Hobart
Pasha, set Lord Beaconsfield to-rights as to the
harbour-capacity of Batoum. Then Lord Rosebery fell
foul of the Schouvaloff-Salisbury Agreement; and Lord
Carnarnon of the Anglo-Turkish Convention; and
between them said harsher things of both than have been
yet said in Parliament.
[August 3, 1878.
NATURAL INFERENCE.
Juvenile (to Old Paickins, who isn't "at home'1'1 with Children). "Ain't you
going to Dance ? "
Paickins (doinghis best). "Well, my Boy—ah—yaas—eh—no—I think-"
Juvenile. "I s'pposb you've come for a regular 'Stodge' at the
Suiter m »
the Lord Chancellor's answer made darkness darker. Who are Her
Majesty's subjects in Cyprus ? "Will the island he Turkish or English—under
Turkish Law or English ?
[Commons.)— In answer to Sir ~W. Harcourt, the Attorney-General threw
as much darkness on the subject of Cypriote Law and administration as the Lord
Chancellor.
The Viceroy of India being empowered to muzzle the Vernacular Press, by
deposit of caution-money liable to summary forfeiture after warning, such
forfeiture to be followed by suppression of the offending journal on repetition of
offence, should not Parliament be kept informed whenever the muzzle is clapped
on ?
So asks Mr. Gladstone, in a speech of studied moderation. John Bull does
not like the gag. His experience tells him that the good of a free Press, with
any inconveniences it may have, incalculably outweighs its evils. He does
not believe that to drive diseases in—political or bodily—is the best way to get
rid of them, and he feels that the first condition for removing discontent is
to give it free expression. Indian law already gives power to deal with
seditious writings. Surely that is all that is wanted. At all events if the gag
is to be used in India, let those who put it on feel they do so under the eye of
Parliament.
Mr. O'Donnell moved a superfluous amendment saying the same thing in
more offensive terms.
Mr. Gorst could not see any justification for any distinction in the treat-
ment of the British and Vernacular Press in India.
Sir G. Campdell owned himself in a hobble. If he had as clear an opinion
on the matter as Mr. Gladstone, he would have wound up with a stronger
Motion, lhere was a great deal to be said for and against the summary powers
given by the new law. So Sir George gave the House three-quarters of an
hour s see-saw between the pro and con. of the matter.
Mr. Smollett pitched savagely, after his manner, into the administration of
India and the British Press there, which he described as infinitely more pestilent
than the Vernacular.
Mr. Gathorne Hardy supported the Viceroy's Act,
Mr. Shaw Lefevre laughed the inflated nonsense of the Vernacular Press to
scorn. He would not strain law to silence bosh and bombast.
Mr. Fawcett blamed the Act, and still more the way
it had been forced on the Indian Council.
Mr. E. Stanhope, for the India Office, hopedrthe Act
would be kept in terrorem, like a rod hung on the wall,
to frighten the Vernacular Press-gang into goodj_be-
haviour.
Sir H. James condemned the hurry with which the
Act had been passed in Tndia and approved at Home;
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised that
the Indian Government should be instructed to keep the
Home Government informed of all proceedings under
this Act, as. Lord Ckanbrook has, in fact, already
intimated to Lord Lytton.
This in effect was equivalent to carrying Mr. Glad-
stone's Motion, which was formally disposed of by a
division of 208 to 152. The minority should have been
160, but for eight blunderers who got into the wrong
lobby.
Wednesday.—A close day's work on Cattle Disease and
Roads. Hard labour for such weather.
Thursday (Lords).—Their Lordships cordially con-
curred in making handsome marriage provision for Prince
Arthur and his fair bride, the daughter of the Red Prince,
whom Lord Beaconsfield, in a happy hymeneal oration
described as '' distinguished for intelligence and ac-
complishments, and for a winning simplicity of thought
and manner." Eor the Duke's character he appealed to
their Lordships.
" He sits among us as a Peer. He is known to the country
for his spotless life, and he is devoted to a noble profession. Ho
is not a soldier of parade, but of service. On a recent occasion,
when the terrible contingency of war seemed to be hovering over
the country, the Duke of Connaught was the first to express
his hope that he might be allowed to be sent forth to defend
the honour and the interests of his country."
The marriage, he said, was " a union of the heart and
the affections."
Prosit.'—says Punch, and begs to drink the health of
the charming young couple in an iced cup of a coolness in
inverse proportion to his loyalty.
(Commons.)—Less unanimous in its loyalty, the Lower
House mustered a few Intransigentes to protest against
the grant of the £15,000 which it is proposed to add to
Prince Arthur's £10,000. The recalcitrants were led
by the stern Baronet of Chelsea—Sir Charles of that
Dilke—who thus avenges himself for the handle tacked
by Royal favour to his name.
He contended, on an elaborate review of precedents,
that there was no instance of holding out the Crown for a
marriage portion—except in the case of marriages in a
manner forced to raise Royal issue—till the present
reign.
But, as was pointed out both by the leaders of the
Government and the Opposition, backed by Mr. Glad-
stone, the precedents did not apply. The present ar-
rangement by which the Queen comes to her Parliament
for what she wants is the best for both. The allowance
now asked for the Duke of Connaught is the same as
was granted to the Duke of Edinburgh. The country
can afford the money ; the Prince wants it; the Queen
can't provide it out of the Civil List; and when that
was settled, it was a bargain that allowances to the
Royal Family should be given as required.
Sir Charles found only 33 to follow his lead into the
lobby against 320—10 to 1 as nearly as possible—long
odds, but not longer than the odds in favour of loyalty to
Royalty in the House, and out of it.
Then much way was made with the phenomenal Irish
Intermediate Education Bill—the one measure, as Major
Nolan pathetically pointed out, on which the Irish
Members had been of one mind during the Session.
Almost as strange, they have been of one mind with the
Government. The Government opens the advantages of
the Act to girls. A queer trio—Mr. E. Jenkins, Mr.
JSTewdegate, and Mr. F. Courtney disturbed the har-
mony of the evening.
Friday (Lords).—Rehearsal of next week's work in
the Commons. The Government "heckled" by the
Opposition.
First, Lord Granville, on the authority of Hobart
Pasha, set Lord Beaconsfield to-rights as to the
harbour-capacity of Batoum. Then Lord Rosebery fell
foul of the Schouvaloff-Salisbury Agreement; and Lord
Carnarnon of the Anglo-Turkish Convention; and
between them said harsher things of both than have been
yet said in Parliament.
Werk/Gegenstand/Objekt
Titel
Titel/Objekt
Natural inference.
Weitere Titel/Paralleltitel
Serientitel
Punch
Sachbegriff/Objekttyp
Inschrift/Wasserzeichen
Aufbewahrung/Standort
Aufbewahrungsort/Standort (GND)
Inv. Nr./Signatur
H 634-3 Folio
Objektbeschreibung
Objektbeschreibung
Bildunterschrift: Juvenile (to Old Pawkins, who isn't "at home" with Children). "Ain't you going to dance?" Pawkins (doing his best). "Well, my boy-ah-yaas-eh-no-I think-" Juvenile." I s'ppose you've come for a regular "stodge" at the supper!!"
Maß-/Formatangaben
Auflage/Druckzustand
Werktitel/Werkverzeichnis
Herstellung/Entstehung
Entstehungsdatum
um 1878
Entstehungsdatum (normiert)
1873 - 1883
Entstehungsort (GND)
Auftrag
Publikation
Fund/Ausgrabung
Provenienz
Restaurierung
Sammlung Eingang
Ausstellung
Bearbeitung/Umgestaltung
Thema/Bildinhalt
Thema/Bildinhalt (GND)
Literaturangabe
Rechte am Objekt
Aufnahmen/Reproduktionen
Künstler/Urheber (GND)
Reproduktionstyp
Digitales Bild
Rechtsstatus
Public Domain Mark 1.0
Creditline
Punch, 75.1878, August 3, 1878, S. 38
Beziehungen
Erschließung
Lizenz
CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication
Rechteinhaber
Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg